¤dan¤#¤Det grönlandske hjemmestyre¤#¤Fägteborg, Mads¤#¤Nordisk kontakt : NKtema¤#¤1995¤#¤40¤#¤1¤#¤25-37¤#¤19951115¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤dan¤#¤Status over krisen på Färöerne¤#¤Jespersen, Jogvan¤#¤Nordisk kontakt : NKtema¤#¤1995¤#¤40¤#¤1¤#¤21-22¤#¤19951115¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤"An electoral mutiny?" : Zhirinovsky and the Russian armed forces¤#¤Nichols, Thomas M.¤#¤Armed forces & society¤#¤1995¤#¤21¤#¤3¤#¤327-348¤#¤19951221¤#¤RA07.01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤"Creeping democratization" in China¤#¤Pei, Minxin¤#¤Journal of Democracy¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤65-79¤#¤19951030¤#¤SF01.01, RI03.03, SF02¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤"Intervention without borders" : humanitarian intervention in Rwanda, 1990-94¤#¤Jones, Bruce D.¤#¤Millennium¤#¤1995¤#¤24¤#¤2¤#¤225-250¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤"Let us grow up healthy" : a health education pilot project for primary schools in Lithuania¤#¤Zaborskis, Apolinaras & Sumskas, Linas¤#¤Journal of Baltic studies¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤3¤#¤243-252¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤"Tackling drugs together": Britain's new strategy against drug misuse¤#¤¤#¤Background brief¤#¤1995¤#¤ 0¤#¤February¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤'Allow Democracy to return to its fundamental value - the interests of the majority'¤#¤Yavlinskii, Grigorii¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤37¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤'Judicial murder' puts democratic values on trial¤#¤Mayall, James¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤12¤#¤236-238¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤'Just backward children': international law and the conquest of non-European peoples¤#¤Keal, Paul¤#¤Australian journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤2¤#¤191-206¤#¤19951121¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤1945-1995: reflections on half a century of British security policy¤#¤Howard, Michael¤#¤International affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤71¤#¤4¤#¤705-715¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤1995 Presidential address: International Studies Association ISA as a microcosm¤#¤Strange, Susan¤#¤International studies quarterly¤#¤1995¤#¤39¤#¤3¤#¤289-296¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤35 major wars? : a brief comment on Mueller¤#¤Gleditsch, Nils Petter¤#¤Journal of conflict resolution¤#¤1995¤#¤39¤#¤3¤#¤584-587¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[21st century economics:] Export our way to prosperity¤#¤Morici, Peter¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤3-17¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[21st century economics:] Don't neglect the impoverished South¤#¤Broad, Robin & Cavanagh, John¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤18-36¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[7th Reg. Disarm. Meeting in the Asia-Pacific, 13-15.2.95:] The growing significance of regional approaches to disarmament and international security¤#¤Gorkovskiy, Evkeniy¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤162-165¤#¤19951026¤#¤SC03, SC06, SC01, RI03, RL03¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[7th Regional Disarmament Meeting in the Asia-Pacific region, 13-15.2.95:] Disarmament proposals and agreements: regional and global approaches¤#¤Chellaney, Brahma¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤178-184¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC06¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[7th Regional Disarmament Meeting in the Asia-Pacific region, 13-15.2.95:] Regional disarmament should complement global efforts¤#¤Nepal, Madhav Kumar¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤166-171¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC06¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[7th Regional Disarmament Meeting in the Asia-Pacific region, 13-15.2.95:] An appeal for the total abolition of nuclear weapons¤#¤Motoshima, Hitoshi¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤175-177¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC06¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[7th Regional Disarmament Meeting in the Asia-Pacific region, 13-15.2.95:] Sustaining the momentum towards the complete elimination of nuclear weapons¤#¤Kiyoura, Yoshihiro¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤172-174¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC06¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[A look back:] 'Journeys for a better world' : a personal adventure in war and peace¤#¤Richardot, Jean¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤23-28¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Angola : a fragile cease-fire:] Positive developments welcomed despite delays in peace process¤#¤¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤42-43¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Armed forces and democracy:] I. Reforming civil-military relations¤#¤Huntington, Samuel P.¤#¤Journal of Democracy¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤9-17¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Armed forces and democracy:] III. Security and transition in South Africa¤#¤Cilliers, Jakkie¤#¤Journal of Democracy¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤35-49¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Armed forces and democracy:] II. The Postcommunist wars¤#¤Fairbanks Jr., Charles H.¤#¤Journal of Democracy¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤18-34¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Armenia:] Ruling party strengthens its hold on power¤#¤Fuller, Liz¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤56-59¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[ASEAN:] Openness and transparency in the ASEAN countries¤#¤Nayan, Md Hussin¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤135-144¤#¤19951026¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[ASEAN:] The future course of the ASEAN regional forum: openness and the regional approach to disarmament¤#¤Patra, Pengiran Osman Bin Pengiran Haji¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤145-158¤#¤19951026¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Balkan peace accord:] Belgrade pays only lip service to peace¤#¤Markotich, Stan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤44-45, 70¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Baltic states:] Tiny armed forces need Allie's aid¤#¤Girnius, Saulius¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤60-63¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA07.11¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Baltics and the Far East:] Unusual courtship¤#¤Girnius, Saulius¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤37¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Bulgaria:] Elections reveal blue cities amid red provinces¤#¤Krause, Stefan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤52-54¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Bulgaria:] UDF memorandum: on the situation in Bulgaria¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤93-95¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Bulgaria:] Winds of recommunization : interviews with Filip Dimitrov, Ivo Indzjev and Stefan Savov¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤96-112¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Caspian Sea oil:] Routing decisions suggests wrangling to come¤#¤Bezanis, Lowell & Fuller, Elizabeth¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤45, 72¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Central and Eastern Europe:] Belarus maintains strong control over most media¤#¤Markus, Ustina¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤19-21¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Central and Eastern Europe:] Controversy and crisis deluge Hungary's broadcast media¤#¤Oltay, Edith¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤10-12¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Central and Eastern Europe:] Ahead of the censors, but feeling the economic strain in the Baltic states¤#¤Girnius, Saulius¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤16-18¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Central and Eastern Europe:] Information and entertainment in Poland¤#¤Karpinski, Jakub¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤13-15¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Central and Eastern Europe:] The Czech Republic struggles to define an independent press¤#¤Kettle, Steve¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤4-6¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Central and Eastern Europe:] Media independence is still alien to Ukraine's political culture¤#¤Lapychak, Chrystyna¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤22-24¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Central and Eastern Europe:] Slovak media under pressure¤#¤Fisher, Sharon¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤7-9¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Chechnya:] Hardened to evil : an interview with Dzhokhar Dudayev¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤23-28¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[China, documents:] CPC Central Committee proposal for economic development¤#¤¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤46¤#¤12-16¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[China, documents:] Explanations on the [CPC Central Committee] proposal [for economic development]¤#¤Peng, Li¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤46¤#¤17-20¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[China, documents:] Principles on modernization drive¤#¤¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤45¤#¤7-14¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Chinese security policy:] China and fissile material production cut-off¤#¤Gronlund, Lisbeth & Wright, David & Liu, Yong¤#¤Survival¤#¤1995/1996¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤147-167¤#¤19951127¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Chinese security policy:] China, oil and the risk of regional conflict¤#¤Salameh, Mamdoug G.¤#¤Survival¤#¤1995/1996¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤133-146¤#¤19951127¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Comments:] After the oil boom¤#¤Zanoyan, Vahan¤#¤Foreign affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤6¤#¤2-7¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Comments:] Chirac of France¤#¤Moisi, Dominique¤#¤Foreign affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤6¤#¤8-13¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Comments:] Dominance through technology¤#¤Taylor, Mark Z.¤#¤Foreign affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤6¤#¤14-21¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Conflict prevention:] Middle Eastern geopolitics: factors of instability and sources of conflict¤#¤Abi-Aad, Naji & Grenon, Michel¤#¤Peace and the sciences¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤June¤#¤18-23¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Conflict prevention:] Conflict prevention: the search for common ground¤#¤¤#¤Peace and the sciences¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤Sep¤#¤16-46¤#¤19951229¤#¤SB05, SC01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Conflict prevention:] Regional conflicts in the post-Cold War world¤#¤Halliday, Fred¤#¤Peace and the sciences¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤June¤#¤13-17¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Conversion:] International aspects of peace dividend¤#¤Voronkov, Lev¤#¤Peace and the sciences¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤June¤#¤34-45¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Crimea:] Sevastopol - city of Russian glory¤#¤Doroszewska, Urszula¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤49-54¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Crimea:] The Crimean deadlock¤#¤Prytula, Volodymyr¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤43-47¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Crimea:] We prefer Ukraine : an interview with Nadir Bekirov¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤55-62¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Croatia:] Serbs in Croatia: is there a way out? : interviews with Zarko Puhovski and Milorad Pupovac¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤71-92¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Czech Republic:] A long wait for oil-refinery privatization¤#¤Freeman, Jeff¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤56-59¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Czech Republic:] Debts and disgruntled doctors¤#¤Sebastian, Byron¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤46-50¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Debate: Proportional representation and Souther Africa:] II. The case for proportionality¤#¤Reynolds, Andrew¤#¤Journal of Democracy¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤117-124¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Debate: Proportional representation and Souther Africa:] I. Elections in agrarian societies¤#¤Barkan, Joel D.¤#¤Journal of Democracy¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤106-116¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Diplomcay toward America and Asia:] Toward on open-ended Asia policy¤#¤Tadashi, Ikeda¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤3¤#¤17-21¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Diplomcay toward America and Asia:] Dropping the curtain on the Japan - U. S. framework talks¤#¤Hisahiko, Okazaki¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤3¤#¤12-16¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Diplomcay toward America and Asia:] The dangerous rise of Asianism¤#¤Nobuo, Noda¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤3¤#¤6-11¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Disarmament and stability on the Korean Peninsula:] A perspective from the Democratic People's Republic of Korea¤#¤Sik, So Chang¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤109-118¤#¤19951026¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Disarmament and stability on the Korean Peninsula:] A perspective from the Republic of Korea¤#¤Lee, Seo-Hang¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤119-134¤#¤19951026¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Disarmament:] Non-Proliferation Treaty extended 'indefinitely' at Review Conference : full compliance called essential to international peace and ...¤#¤¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤58-60¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Documents:] China: arms control and disarmament¤#¤¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤48¤#¤10-25¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Economic trends:] The economic situation in Germany¤#¤¤#¤Intereconomics¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤6¤#¤313-316¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Far East:] Taiwan plies "dollar diplomacy"¤#¤Steele, Tracy¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤32-33¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Field reports:] Promoting pluralism in Eastern Europe¤#¤Agopsowicz, Monika & Landon, James¤#¤Journal of Democracy¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤155-164¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Foreign direct investment:] East Asian FDI in Europe and Germany¤#¤Schultz, Siegfried¤#¤Intereconomics¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤6¤#¤294-300¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Former Soviet republics:] Security Council ready to consider new peace-keeping effort¤#¤¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤53-54¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Future of Europe:] European security for the new millenium¤#¤George, Bruce & Borawski, John¤#¤Peace and the sciences¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤June¤#¤7-12¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Future of Europe:] Global system of international peace and security and European regional arrangements¤#¤¤#¤Peace and the sciences¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤Sep¤#¤1-15¤#¤19951229¤#¤RA01.07, SC01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Future of Europe:] The stability pact for Europe: new avenue of dead end?¤#¤Schutze, Walter¤#¤Peace and the sciences¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤June¤#¤1-6¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Georgia:] Georgian freeze : interviews with Nodar Natdze, Ivlian Haindrava and Dawit Berdzenishvili¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤33-42¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Georgia:] Why was Chanturia killed?¤#¤Doroszewska, Urszula¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤29-32¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Global nuclear issues in the Asia-Pacific regional context:] Security assurances and regional stability¤#¤Sanders, Ben¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤1-24¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC06¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Global nuclear issues in the Asia-Pacific regional context:] Regional approaches to increase nuclear transparency¤#¤Kurihara, Hiroyoshi¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤25-40¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC06¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Global nuclear issues in the Asia-Pacific regional context:] Cooperation in the field of non-proliferation and the peaceful use of nuclear energy¤#¤Chellaney, Brahma¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤41-48¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC06¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Greece:] Redefining neighborly relations¤#¤Krause, Stefan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤50-55¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Hungary:] A year of economic controversy¤#¤Szilagyi, Zsofia¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤62-66¤#¤19951117¤#¤RA08.12¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Inflation:] Inflation and growth : a discussion of Robert Barro's recent findings¤#¤Kruger, Malte¤#¤Intereconomics¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤6¤#¤301-304¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Iraq : seeking a credible account:] 'Good overall picture' provided of military weapons capabilities¤#¤¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤46-47¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Italian foreign policy survey:] Italy facing international migration: recent policy developments¤#¤Pastore, Ferruccio¤#¤International spectator¤#¤2000¤#¤35¤#¤2 Apr/June¤#¤29-39¤#¤2000823¤#¤RA06.03, SG02.04, SB02¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Latvia:] A sluggish pace for economic recovery¤#¤Paeglis, Imants¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤50-53¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA07.13¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Lithuania:] Central and local governments battle for control¤#¤Girnius, Saulius¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤55-57¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Maailman ilmansuojelukongressi:] Declaration on Arctic Air Pollution¤#¤¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤4¤#¤27-28¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, on-line information:] The Internet's explosive expansion¤#¤Woodard, Colin¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤84-87¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Roma:] Increasing opportunities for Romani publishing¤#¤Lemon, Alaina¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤56-58¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Russia:] Regional press fights political control¤#¤¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤64-67¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Russia:] Wrestling political and financial repression¤#¤Belin, Laura¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤59-63, 88¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Transcaucasus and Central Asia:] Poverty and state control impede the Armenian and Georgian independent press¤#¤Fuller, Liz¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤68-69¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Transcaucasus and Central Asia:] Uzbek media remain restricted and devoid of criticism¤#¤Kangas, Roger D.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤76-77¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Transcaucasus and Central Asia:] On the front lines in Tajikistan¤#¤Pannier, Bruce¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤78-79¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Transcaucasus and Central Asia:] Backsliding in Kyrgyzstan¤#¤Pannier, Bruce¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤80-81¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Transcaucasus and Central Asia:] Tragicomic repression on Turkmenistan¤#¤Bezanis, Lowell¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤82-83¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Transcaucasus and Central Asia:] Cracksemerge in Kazakhstans's government monopoly¤#¤Dave, Bhavna¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤73-75¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Media update, Transcaucasus and Central Asia:] Azerbaijan: clear trends behind kaleidoscopic change¤#¤Bezanis, Lowell¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤70-71¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Middle East : maintaining the peace process:] Draft on East Jerusalem not adopted by Security Council : United States vetoes text¤#¤¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤44-45¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Middle East debate:] Peace Process or Puppet Show?¤#¤Maksoud, Clovis¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤100¤#¤117-124¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Minorities in Romania:] A 'radical' discourse¤#¤Shafir, Michael¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤32-36¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Minorities in Romania:] Favorable trends for Romania's Roma¤#¤Barany, Zoltan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤26-31¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Mixed review for the economy:] A rebuttal of Japan's economic doomsayers¤#¤Ryoji, Musha¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤2¤#¤47-50¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Mixed review for the economy:] Deregulation and the demise of bureaucratic control¤#¤Tetsuzo, Yamamoto¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤2¤#¤51-56¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Mixed review for the economy:] The hollowing of Japan¤#¤Nobuhiko, Shima¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤2¤#¤40-46¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Mixed review for the economy:] Putting teeth into administrative reform¤#¤Hiroshi, Kato¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤2¤#¤57-61¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Moldova and Russia:] Chisinau's and Tiraspol's faltering quest for accord¤#¤Duplain, Julian¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤10-13¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Moldova and Russia:] Russia's military presence in the 'Near abroad'¤#¤Clarce, Douglas L.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤8-9¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Moldova's Dniester region:] Media in the 'Dniester Moldovan Republic': a Communist memento¤#¤Ionescu, Dan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤16-20¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Moldova's Dniester region:] Russia's long arm and the Dniester impasse¤#¤Ionescu, Dan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤14-15¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Moldova's Gagauz land:] Gagauz yeri and the dilemmas of self-determination¤#¤King, Charles¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤21-25¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] 'We belong to the West European Tradition'¤#¤Payne, Jiri¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤46-47¤#¤19951215¤#¤RA05.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] Forging a chain of civiian command for Poland's military¤#¤Simon, Jeffrey¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤37-40¤#¤19951215¤#¤RA05.11¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] NATO rationalizes its eastward enlargement¤#¤¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤19-26¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] No role for Russia in a security order that includes an expanded NATO¤#¤¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤27-32¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] Russia contemplates the risks of expansion¤#¤Parrish, Scott¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤11-14¤#¤19951215¤#¤RA07.03¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] The emerging European security order¤#¤Mihalka, Michael¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤15-18¤#¤19951215¤#¤RA01.02, RA02.03¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] The Polish position¤#¤¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤41-43¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] The United States and the enlargement debate¤#¤Kober, Stanley¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤6-10¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] The WEU as a complement - not a substitute - for NATO¤#¤Wohlfeld, Monika¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤34-36¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[NATO expansion:] Whether, how and when to enlarge NATO, and other security brainteasers¤#¤¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤5¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Poland:] Does anyone want to join NATO? : an interview with Antoni Macierewicz¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤119-122¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Poland:] Kwasniewski unseats Walesa as president¤#¤Karpinski, Jakub¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤48-50¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Poland:] Next door to a new Russia : an interview with Zbigniew Romaszewski¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤113-118¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Profile: Aleksandr Lebed:] Yeltsin's most dangerous rival¤#¤Orttung, Robert W.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤17-18¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Profile: Anatolii Chubais:] A Kremlin survivor¤#¤Chinayeva, Elena¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤38-39, 69¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Profile: Grigorii Yavlinskii:] 'A brilliant loser'¤#¤Chinayeva, Elena¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤35-36¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Profiles:] Jörg Haider: Austria's far right Wunderkind¤#¤Hockenos, Paul¤#¤World policy journal¤#¤1995¤#¤12¤#¤3 Fall¤#¤75-80¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Reconstruction of Eastern Europe:] On the making of a socio-economic context for Europe¤#¤Matzner, Egon¤#¤Peace and the sciences¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤June¤#¤24-30¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Reconstruction of Eastern Europe:] The role of state in transition to a market economy¤#¤Bragina, Elena¤#¤Peace and the sciences¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤June¤#¤31-33¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Reflection, evaluation, integration:] Structural Realism and the causes of war¤#¤James, Patrick¤#¤Mershon international studies review¤#¤1995¤#¤39¤#¤suppl. 2¤#¤181-208¤#¤19951229¤#¤SB05, SK02¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Remembering the A-bomb:] Skimming over the mushroom clouds¤#¤Michio, Saito¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤2¤#¤64-71¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Remembering the A-bomb:] The flap over the a-bobm stamp : how Japanese and American historical perceptions differ¤#¤Sadao, Asada¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤2¤#¤79¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Remembering the A-bomb:] Fifty years after the bomb¤#¤Takashi, Hiraoka & Hitoshi, Motoshima¤#¤Japan echo¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤2¤#¤72-78¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Reportage:] The Krajina War: endgame for the United Nations¤#¤Rieff, David¤#¤World policy journal¤#¤1995¤#¤12¤#¤3 Fall¤#¤71-74¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Review essay:] A 'new', 'international' history of the Cold War?¤#¤Westad, Odd Arne¤#¤Journal of peace research¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤4¤#¤483-487¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Romania:] Changing of the guard at national radio¤#¤Ionescu, Dan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤64-65¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Romania:] Politial manipulation at its best¤#¤Andreescu, Gabriel¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤46-49¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA08.13¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia and the Far East:] Changing patterns in Russian-Korean relations¤#¤Lee, In-Sung¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤28-31¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia and the Far East:] Economic opportunities in Asia¤#¤Rutland, Peter¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤38-39¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia and the Far East:] Working towaard a serious partnership with China¤#¤Ferdinand, Peter¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤8-11, 68¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia and the Far East:] Russia and Japan: drifting in opposite directions¤#¤Chugrov, Sergei V.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤12-16, 67¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia and the Far East:] Russia as a Pacific power¤#¤Rutland, Peter & Markus, Ustina¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤4-7, 68¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, SB02, RL03¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia and the Far East:] Battling for foreign capital in Promorsk Krai¤#¤Burns, Katherine G.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤18-23¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia and the Far East:] A hollow Russian military force in Asia?¤#¤Clarce, Douglas L.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤24-27, 66¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia votes:] A demographic who's who of the candidatesfrom the 12 leading parties¤#¤Haas, Silja & Orttung, Robert W. & Soukoup, Ondrej¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤11-13¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia votes:] Are the Communists poised for 'victtory'?¤#¤Belin, Laura¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤25-28¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia votes:] Beware of opinion polls - therea are too many parties to pick one winner¤#¤Rose, Richard¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤6-10¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia votes:] Congress of Russian Communities fights for a stabld niche¤#¤Orttung, Robert W.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤14-16, 68¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia votes:] Divided Democrats face uncertain prospects¤#¤Orttung, Robert W.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤32-34¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia votes:] Russia on the eve of elections¤#¤Rutland, Peter¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤5¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia votes:] The two faces of the Agrarian Party¤#¤Belin, Laura¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤29-31, 69¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia votes:] Will the Duma elections be fair?¤#¤Kennedy Orttung, Susan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤40-42¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia votes:] Zhirinovsky's uphill battle¤#¤Belin, Laura¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤22¤#¤20-24, 68¤#¤19951201¤#¤RA07.01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia:] A step toward economic stabilization¤#¤Sigel, Thomas¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤46-49¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia:] Alarm over falling life expectancy¤#¤Morvant, Penny¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤40-45, 72¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia:] Parties proliferate on eve of elections¤#¤Belin, Laura & Orttung, Robert W.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤17¤#¤42-50, 67¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia:] Testing the government's budgetary resolve¤#¤Sigel, Thomas¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤56-61¤#¤19951117¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia:] The source of my hope : an interview with Ludmilla Alexeyeva¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤123-128¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Russia:] Why agrarian reform is failing¤#¤Wegren, Stephen K. & Durgin, Frank A.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤50-54¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Rwanda:] UNAMIR mandate shifts from peace-keeping to confidence-building : Independent Commission investigates Kibeho violence¤#¤¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤35-39¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Serbia:] Milosevic's new strategy¤#¤Markotich, Stan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤19¤#¤60-62, 72¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Slovakia:] Ethnic Hungarians backthemselves into a corner¤#¤Fisher, Sharon¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤58-63¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Slovakia:] President's son hostage in a political game¤#¤Fisher, Sharon¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤51-53¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Slovenia:] A balancing act between NATO and the EU¤#¤Markotich, Stan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤23¤#¤54-55¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Southeastern Europe:] The rump Yugoslavia as the new Balkan 'black hole'¤#¤Matic, Veran¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤34-35¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Southeastern Europe:] Waiting for a second chance in Macedonia¤#¤Geroski, Branko¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤42-45¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Southeastern Europe:] Slovenia's early reforms laid the foundation¤#¤Markotich, Stan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤36-38¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Southeastern Europe:] War as the centerpiece in Bosnia and Croatia¤#¤Moore, Patrick¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤30-32¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Southeastern Europe:] Albanians still struggle for information¤#¤Sullivan, Marianne¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤39-41¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Southeastern Europe:] Purges and progress in Bulgaria¤#¤Krause, Stefan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤46-48¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Southeastern Europe:] Romanian media's independence struggles¤#¤Ionescu, Dan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤52-54¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Southeastern Europe:] Slow emancipation in the Republic of Moldova¤#¤Ionescu, Dan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤49-51¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Survey: government and media:] Differing views on government control¤#¤Connors, Stephen & Rhodes, Mark & Washaw, Matthew¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤18¤#¤26-29¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[System transformation:] East - West economic cooperation . interests involved, institutional possibilites and economic rationale¤#¤Bauer, Patricia¤#¤Intereconomics¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤6¤#¤285-293¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[Tajikistan:] Comprehensive political settlement to conflict urged¤#¤¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤55-56¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] Russia's 'Nuclear flea market' tempts smugglers¤#¤Heinrich, Andreas & Pleines, Heiko¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤9-11¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] The Chornobyl fallout persists¤#¤Lapychak, Chrystyna¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤20-23¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] Meeting the challenges of dismantlement¤#¤Bukharin, Oleg A.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤30-33¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] The 'Sapphire' file: lessons for international nonproliferation cooperation¤#¤Potter, William C.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤14-19¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] Kazakhstan staggers under its nuclear burden¤#¤Dave, Bhavna¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤12-13¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] The Russia-Iran nuclear deal: 'Diplomacy of several doors'¤#¤Mihalka, Michael¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤40-44¤#¤19951117¤#¤RA07.21, RG04.02¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] Nuclear nightmares¤#¤Rutland, Peter¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤5¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] Naval nuclear waste poses immense risk¤#¤Clarke, Douglas L.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤34-38¤#¤19951117¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] Western nuclear vendors head east¤#¤Woodard, Colin¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤24-28¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The changing nuclear threat:] Nuclear arms - a soviet legacy¤#¤Parrish, Scott¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤21¤#¤6-8¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The Clinton report card:] A mediocre record¤#¤Hyland, William G.¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤69-74¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The Clinton report card:] A late recovery¤#¤Ullman, Richard H.¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤75-80¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The economics of Middle East cooperation:] Energy as a fule for integration¤#¤Bollino, Carlo Andrea & D'Ermo, Vittorio¤#¤International spectator¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤3¤#¤39-56¤#¤19951121¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The economics of Middle East cooperation:] Structural economic adjustment in the Middle East: a comparative assessment¤#¤Zallio, Franco¤#¤International spectator¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤3¤#¤83-98¤#¤19951121¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The economics of Middle East cooperation:] Financial flows and integration in the Middle East¤#¤Battles, Susan E.¤#¤International spectator¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤3¤#¤57-82¤#¤19951121¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] A need for common ground in Tajikistan¤#¤Pannier, Bruce¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤12-15¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] The three faces of Islam in Uzbekistan¤#¤Kangas, Roger D.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤17-21¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Why the 'Green Wave' of Islamic Fundamentalism is unlikely to wash over Central Asia¤#¤Bezanis, Lowell¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤8-9¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Closerties for Russia and Iran¤#¤Hunter, Shireen T.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤42-45¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Little danger of Islamic fundamentalism in the Volga-Urals¤#¤Jamison Novacki, Dawn¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤33-36¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Turkey runs up the flag¤#¤Bezanis, Lowell¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤11¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Glossary of Islamic terms¤#¤Kangas, Roger D.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤5¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Inventing Islam - and Islamic threat - in Kazakhstan¤#¤Dave, Bhavna¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤22-25¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] A short history of Islam in Central Asia¤#¤Bezanis, Lowell¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤16¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Islam returns to the Russian political stage¤#¤Malashenko, Aleksei V.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤37-41¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Some revival, much subordination, more superstition in Turkmenistan¤#¤Bezanis, Lowell¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤30-32¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Scant evidence of an Islamic Fundamentalist threat¤#¤Fuller, Elizabeth¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤4-5¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Exploiting the fear of militant Islam¤#¤Bezanis, Lowell¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤6-8, 10¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The myth of militant Islam:] Islam's tenuous hold in Kyrgyzstan¤#¤Pannier, Bruce¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤24¤#¤26-28¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The politics of foreign policy:] The know-nothings know something¤#¤Rosner, Jeremy D.¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤116-129¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The politics of foreign policy:] What tht public knows that Washington doesn't¤#¤Kull, Steven¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤102-115¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The role of confidence-building in the Asia-Pacific region:] Risk reduction and maritime security in Asia and the Pacific¤#¤Weeks, Stanley B.¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤72-86¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The role of confidence-building in the Asia-Pacific region:] The 1990s: the decade for confidence-building measures¤#¤Krepon, Michael¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤87-108¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC01, SC06¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The role of confidence-building in the Asia-Pacific region:] The United Nations guidelines for regional approaches to disarmament¤#¤Mason, Peggy¤#¤Disarmament¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤49-71¤#¤19951026¤#¤RL03, SC01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The U.N. in crisis:] The U.N. at 50: A Time to Reform¤#¤Carlsson, Ingvar¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤100¤#¤3-18¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The UN at 50:] Design for peace : origin of the UN emblem¤#¤McLaughlin, Donal¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤20-21¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤[The UN at 50:] Giving peace a chance : recognizing the achievements¤#¤¤#¤UN chronicle¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤7-14¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ 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strategy"¤#¤Rongyao, Zhou¤#¤Foreign affairs journal¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤37¤#¤30-35¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤A cornerstone of world order: extending the NPT¤#¤Muller, Harald¤#¤NATO review¤#¤1995¤#¤43¤#¤5¤#¤21-26¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤A Europe of security and defence¤#¤Bussiere, Robert¤#¤NATO review¤#¤1995¤#¤43¤#¤5¤#¤31-35¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤A guide to the documentation of the European Union¤#¤Thomson, Ian & Mitchell, Duncan¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤Annual 94¤#¤139-172¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤A new China strategy¤#¤Lieberthal, Kenneth¤#¤Foreign affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤6¤#¤35-49¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤A new Ottoman empire? : the choice for Turkey: Euro-Asian centre vs. national forstress¤#¤Tunander, Ola¤#¤Security dialogue¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤4¤#¤413-426¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤A plan for Europe; Russia and the proposed expansion of NATO¤#¤Brzezinski, Zbigniew¤#¤Foreign Affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤Jan/Feb¤#¤26-42¤#¤¤#¤RA01.02, RA02.03¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤A positive framework for U.S. - Russian 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affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤2¤#¤237-248¤#¤19951121¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Australian foreign policy and East Timor¤#¤Salla, Michael E.¤#¤Australian journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤2¤#¤207-222¤#¤19951121¤#¤RI02.12¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Austria in the European Union¤#¤Kaiser, Wolfram¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤411-425¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Average life span and health care in Latvia¤#¤Dreifelds, Juris¤#¤Journal of Baltic studies¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤3¤#¤253-266¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Ballistic missile security risks facing Japan¤#¤Yamamoto, Atsumasa¤#¤Asia-Pacific review¤#¤1995¤#¤2¤#¤2¤#¤29-52¤#¤19951222¤#¤RI03.22¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Banking reform in transition economies¤#¤Borish, Michael S. & Long, Millard F. & Noel, Michel¤#¤Finance & development¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤23-26¤#¤19951019¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Basic directions of Latvia's foreign policy to the year 2005¤#¤¤#¤Monthly survey of Baltic and Post-Soviet politics¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤May¤#¤1-3¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Beijing 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W.¤#¤Global environmental change¤#¤1995¤#¤5¤#¤3¤#¤195-209¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Combating the indiscriminatae use of land-mines¤#¤¤#¤Disarmament : newsletter of the UN Centre for Disarmament Affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤1¤#¤11-13¤#¤19951026¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Commentary: Time for change in Myanmar¤#¤Bridges, Brian¤#¤NIRA review¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤Autumn¤#¤15-18¤#¤19951128¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Commitment to military intevention: the democratic government as economic investor¤#¤Nincic, Donna J. & Nincic, Miroslav¤#¤Journal of peace research¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤4¤#¤413-426¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Communal strife in Lebanon: ancient animosities or state intervention?¤#¤Abu-Hamad, Aziz¤#¤Journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤1¤#¤231-254¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Communism vs. Capitalism¤#¤¤#¤Understanding global issues¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤8¤#¤8-9¤#¤19951116¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Competing identities : an ecological model of nationality¤#¤Cederman, Lars-Erik¤#¤European journal of international relations¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤3¤#¤331-366¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Competing identities in the Arab world¤#¤Hovsepian, Nubar¤#¤Journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤1¤#¤1-24¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Confilct and community¤#¤¤#¤Understanding global issues¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤8¤#¤1¤#¤19951116¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Confutation of political realism¤#¤Fozouni, Bahman¤#¤International studies quarterly¤#¤1995¤#¤39¤#¤4¤#¤479-510¤#¤19951220¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Consensus and competition in the eastern enlargement of the European Union ; part of a symposium on the European Union¤#¤Kolankiewicz, George¤#¤International Affairs¤#¤1994¤#¤70¤#¤July¤#¤477-495¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, RA02.03¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Contribution mechanism experiments¤#¤Saijo, Tatsuyoshi & Nakamura, Hideki¤#¤Journal of conflict resolution¤#¤1995¤#¤39¤#¤3¤#¤535-560¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Conventional arms exports and stability in the Middle East¤#¤Neumann, Robert G.¤#¤Journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤1¤#¤183-204¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Cooperation between the Baltic states: a Lithuanian view¤#¤Purly, Vidmantas & Vilkelis, Gintautas¤#¤NATO review¤#¤1995¤#¤43¤#¤5¤#¤27-30¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Corporate governance in transit economies¤#¤Aoki, Masahiko & Kim, Hyung-Ki¤#¤Finance & development¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤20-22¤#¤19951019¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Creating a global warming implementation regime¤#¤Harvey, L. D. Danny¤#¤Global environmental change¤#¤1995¤#¤5¤#¤5¤#¤415-432¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Creating an active policy on immigration and refugees¤#¤Koivukangas, Olavi¤#¤Siirtolaisuus¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤4¤#¤2-3¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Crimean diary¤#¤Smith Albion, Adam¤#¤ICWA letters¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤ASA-9¤#¤1-7¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Croatia : the HDZ falters : the elections confirmed Croatia's reputation as a problematic democracy¤#¤Lovric, Jelena¤#¤Warreport¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤38¤#¤10-11¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Croatia: a Croatian reichstag trial : the case of Dalmatian action¤#¤Vezic, Goran¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1994¤#¤7¤#¤3¤#¤17-24¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Croatia: did Dalmatian action blow itself up? : the official charges¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1994¤#¤7¤#¤3¤#¤25-28¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Croatia: political pornography¤#¤Chenoweth, Eric¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1994¤#¤7¤#¤3¤#¤33-36¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Croatia: to defend human rights : an interview with Tatjana Tagirov¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1994¤#¤7¤#¤3¤#¤29-32¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Croatia: to fill the void : an interview with Stojan Obradovic and Goran Vezic¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1994¤#¤7¤#¤3¤#¤37-44¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Cuba: still holding on¤#¤¤#¤Strategic comments¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤9¤#¤¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Current Russia-U.S. relations and prospects¤#¤Yu, Zheng¤#¤Foreign affairs journal¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤37¤#¤21-29¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Cycles of conventional wisdom on economic development¤#¤Krugman, Paul¤#¤International affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤71¤#¤4¤#¤717-732¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Dateline Capitol Hill: the new majority's foreign policy¤#¤Greenberger, Robert S.¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤159-169¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Dateline Hanoi: Recognition at Last¤#¤Goodman, Allan E.¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤100¤#¤144-154¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Dealing for Slavonia : in the battle to control eastern Slavonia, armies have been superseded by people¤#¤Daskalovic, Zoran¤#¤Warreport¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤38¤#¤11¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Decentralizing fiscal systems in transition economies¤#¤Bird, Richard M. & Freund, Caroline L. & Wallich, Christine I.¤#¤Finance & development¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤3¤#¤31-34¤#¤19951019¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Democracy and enlarging the European Union eastwards¤#¤Rose, Richard & Haerpfer, Christian¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤427-450¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Democratic states and international disputes¤#¤Gowa, Joanne¤#¤International organization¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤3¤#¤511-522¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Determined opposition : the wise use movement challenges environmentalism¤#¤Brick, Phil¤#¤Environment¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤8¤#¤17-20,36-¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Developments in Taiwan: implications for cross-strait relations and U. 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Christopher S.¤#¤Mershon international studies review¤#¤1995¤#¤39¤#¤suppl. 2¤#¤209-238¤#¤19951229¤#¤SB02, SK02¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Foreign policy and Academia¤#¤Newsom, David D.¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤52-68¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Foreign policy and national identity: a comparison of Ukraine and Belarus¤#¤Burant, Stephen R.¤#¤Europe-Asia studies¤#¤1995¤#¤47¤#¤7¤#¤1125-1144¤#¤19951129¤#¤RA07.32, RA07.33¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Foreign policy by Posse¤#¤Haass, Richard N.¤#¤National interest¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤41 Fall¤#¤58-64¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Former Yugoslavia : the politics of repatriation¤#¤¤#¤Forced migration monitor¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤8¤#¤1-3¤#¤19951212¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Fourth World Conference on Women¤#¤¤#¤Background brief¤#¤1995¤#¤ 0¤#¤August¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Frameworks for choice : core beliefs and the environment¤#¤O'Riordan, Timothy¤#¤Environment¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤8¤#¤4-9¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Framing science: precautionary discourse and the ozone treaties¤#¤Litfin, Karen 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W.¤#¤Survival¤#¤1995/1996¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤99-130¤#¤19951127¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Germany's new Ostpolitik¤#¤Lane, Charles¤#¤Foreign affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤6¤#¤77-89¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Germany: Europe's reluctant great power¤#¤Thies, Jochen¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤10¤#¤186-190¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Germany: the implications of the ecological crisis are still not being recognises : an appeal for an economy of avoidance¤#¤Muller, Michael¤#¤Environmental policy and law¤#¤1995¤#¤25¤#¤4/5¤#¤245-251¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Global environmental change, sociology, and paradigm isoloation¤#¤Sunderlin, William D.¤#¤Global environmental change¤#¤1995¤#¤5¤#¤3¤#¤211-220¤#¤¤#¤SZ, SK02¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Global Keynesianism in the Wings?¤#¤Galbraight, James K.¤#¤World policy journal¤#¤1995¤#¤12¤#¤3 Fall¤#¤65-70¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Globalisation after Seattle¤#¤Sarcinelli, Mario¤#¤International spectator¤#¤2000¤#¤35¤#¤2 Apr/June¤#¤57-70¤#¤2000823¤#¤SB, SD, SD01.01, RM03¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Globalization and the changing logic of 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Soemitro¤#¤Citra Indonesia¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤5¤#¤15-19¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Going just a little nuclear : nonproliferation lessons from North Korea¤#¤Mazarr, Michael J.¤#¤International security¤#¤1995¤#¤20¤#¤2 (Fall)¤#¤92-122¤#¤19951115¤#¤RI03.12¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Governance and institutions developments¤#¤Corbett, Richard¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤Annual 94¤#¤35-50¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Great-power cooperation under conditions of limited reciprocity: from empirical to formal analysis¤#¤Goldstein, Joshua S.¤#¤International studies quarterly¤#¤1995¤#¤39¤#¤4¤#¤453-477¤#¤19951220¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Guided Democracy in Algeria and Egypt¤#¤Sadiki, Larbi¤#¤Australian journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤2¤#¤249-266¤#¤19951121¤#¤RG01.13, RG01.16¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Health for all young people in Europe: the World Health Organization cross-national study on health behavior in school-aged children (HBSC) in Latvia¤#¤Kalnins, Ilze ... et al.¤#¤Journal of Baltic studies¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤3¤#¤221-242¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Heavy fallout¤#¤Schwarm, Philip¤#¤Warreport¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤38¤#¤21-22¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Hierarchy under anarchy: informal empire and the East German state¤#¤Wendt, Alexander & Friedheim, Daniel¤#¤International organization¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤4¤#¤689-721¤#¤19951122¤#¤RA05.02, RA07.01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤History's house of mirrors¤#¤Rosenberg, Chandler¤#¤Institute of Current World Affairs¤#¤1994¤#¤¤#¤CRR-(21)¤#¤kokonaan¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Hong Kong: Europe's partner for the Pacific century¤#¤Chan, Anson¤#¤Studia diplomatica¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤4¤#¤65-72¤#¤¤#¤RI03.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Hope and reality in Vietnam and Myanmar¤#¤Kanayama, Hisahiro¤#¤Asia-Pacific review¤#¤1995¤#¤2¤#¤2¤#¤183-225¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤How APEC reach its targets?¤#¤Nasution, Anwar¤#¤Citra Indonesia¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤8¤#¤11-13¤#¤19951123¤#¤RH01.01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤How secure are states without nuclear weapons?¤#¤Goldblat, Jozef¤#¤Security dialogue¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤3¤#¤257-261¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Hungarian military reform and peacekeeping efforts¤#¤Gorka, Sebestyen¤#¤NATO review¤#¤1995¤#¤43¤#¤6¤#¤26-29¤#¤19951114¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Hungary and Euro-Atlantic integration¤#¤Kelety, György¤#¤Central European issues¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤1¤#¤56-62¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Ichiro Ozawa: Reformer at Bay¤#¤Desmond, Edward W.¤#¤Foreign affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤5¤#¤117¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Image of conflict, conflict of images¤#¤Boncu, Simion¤#¤Central European issues¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤1¤#¤104-111¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Impact of ILO conventions on labour laws in Pakistan¤#¤Shah, Bahadar¤#¤Pakistan horizon¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤1¤#¤81-94¤#¤19951109¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Implementing language laws: Perestroika and its legacy in five republics¤#¤Guest edited by William Fierman¤#¤Nationalities papers¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤3¤#¤kokonaan¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤India: state elections, national implications¤#¤Bali, Sita¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤10¤#¤200-202¤#¤19951009¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Indonesia after 50 year of independence¤#¤Abidin, Irawan¤#¤Citra Indonesia¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤8¤#¤14-15¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Indonesia's efforts and achievements in sustainabale forest management¤#¤Suryohadikusumo, Djamaludin¤#¤Citra Indonesia¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤8¤#¤4-10¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Indonesia's future challenges¤#¤Sudarsono, Juwono¤#¤Citra Indonesia¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤6¤#¤15-17¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Infant and child mortality in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia¤#¤Zaborskis, Apolinaras & Ranka, Ieva & Maser, Mai¤#¤Journal of Baltic studies¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤3¤#¤185-196¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Information: ritual or tool? : the production and use of information in development agencies¤#¤Vaa, Mariken¤#¤Forum for development studies¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤1¤#¤61-76¤#¤19951129¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Internal policy developments¤#¤Redmond, John¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤Annual 94¤#¤51-68¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Internalization, institutions, and political change¤#¤Garrett, Geoffrey & Lange, Peter¤#¤International organization¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤4¤#¤627-655¤#¤19951122¤#¤RQ, RS¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤International problem-solving effectiveness : the Oslo Project story so far¤#¤Andresen, Steinar & Wettestad, Jörgen¤#¤International environmental affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤7¤#¤2¤#¤127-149¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤International relations and its discontents¤#¤Halliday, Fred¤#¤International affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤71¤#¤4¤#¤733-746¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤International technology transfer & the Thrid Worldwith emphasis on the G.C.C.¤#¤Al-Mutrif, I. A.¤#¤Korean journal of international studies¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤1¤#¤101-134¤#¤19951214¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Interview: the U.N. and arms control in Irag: a new role?¤#¤Ekeus, Rolf¤#¤Journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤1¤#¤167-182¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Investment needs of the St. Petersburg economy and the possibilities to meeting them¤#¤Oding, Nina¤#¤Idäntalouksien katsauksia¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤27-46¤#¤19951017¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤IPCC gazing and the interpretative social sciences : a comment on Sonja Boehmer-Christiansen's "Global climate protection policy: the limits of..."¤#¤Shackley, Simon & Skodvin, Tora¤#¤Global environmental change¤#¤1995¤#¤5¤#¤3¤#¤175-180¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Iran and Central Asian republics: opportunities and challenges¤#¤Moinaddini, Javad¤#¤Pakistan horizon¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤1¤#¤47-70¤#¤19951109¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Iran: the adolescent revolution¤#¤Sick, Gary¤#¤Journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤1¤#¤145-166¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Is America abandoning multilateral trade?¤#¤Garten, Jeffrey E.¤#¤Foreign affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤6¤#¤50-62¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Is rational choice institutionalism useful for development studies?¤#¤Rakner, Lise¤#¤Forum for development studies¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤1¤#¤77-94¤#¤19951129¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Is the environment a national security issue?¤#¤Levy, Marc A.¤#¤International security¤#¤1995¤#¤20¤#¤2 (Fall)¤#¤35-62¤#¤19951115¤#¤RC02¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Is there life after victory? : what NATO can and cannot do¤#¤Joffe, Josef¤#¤National interest¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤41 Fall¤#¤19-25¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Islam: promise or peril?¤#¤Huliaros, Asteris C.¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤12¤#¤242-245¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Israel after Rabin¤#¤¤#¤Strategic comments¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤9¤#¤¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Israel's nuclear strategy in transition¤#¤Schilling, Walter¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤319-326¤#¤19951124¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Israel: the challenges of peace¤#¤Alpher, Joseph¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤130-145¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Israeli - Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip¤#¤¤#¤Security dialogue¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤4¤#¤469-478¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Japan's changing policy on China¤#¤Horlemann, Ralf¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤384-393¤#¤19951124¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Japan's democracy in crisis¤#¤Sato, Seizaburo¤#¤Asia-Pacific review¤#¤1995¤#¤2¤#¤2¤#¤20-28¤#¤19951222¤#¤RI03.22¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Japan: big fuss over nuclear tests¤#¤Xianfang, Ren¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤42¤#¤22¤#¤19951114¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Jiang reviews China - US relations¤#¤Zemin, Jiang¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤47¤#¤7-9¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Jimmy Carter's modest quest for global peace¤#¤Brinkley, Douglas¤#¤Foreign affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤6¤#¤90-101¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Justice, international relations and human rights¤#¤Best, Geoffrey¤#¤International affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤71¤#¤4¤#¤775-799¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Keynote article: the European Union and the Fourth enlargement¤#¤Cameron, Fraser¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤Annual 94¤#¤17-34¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Korea and our Asia policy¤#¤Johnson, Chalmers¤#¤National interest¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤41 Fall¤#¤66-77¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Kosovo : strategic reconciliation in Kosovo¤#¤Schmict, Fabian¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤15¤#¤17-19, 72¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Kosovo, non-violence and the break-up of Yugoslavia¤#¤Salla, Michael¤#¤Security dialogue¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤4¤#¤427-438¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Language politics in independent Ukraine: towards one or two state languages?¤#¤Arel, Dominique¤#¤Nationalities papers¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤3¤#¤597-624¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Latin America's four political models¤#¤Weyland, Kurt¤#¤Journal of Democracy¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤125-139¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Latin America's regional integration process¤#¤¤#¤Background brief¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤August¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Latvian chronology¤#¤¤#¤Monthly survey of Baltic and Post-Soviet politics¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤May¤#¤20-62¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Latvian foreign policy concept (part II)¤#¤¤#¤Monthly survey of Baltic and Post-Soviet politics¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤June¤#¤1-12¤#¤19951129¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Leaders and followers¤#¤Clarke, Jonathan¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 Winter¤#¤37-51¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Learning for life in the 21st century : hope lies in educated choices¤#¤Brown, Noel J.¤#¤EPA journal¤#¤1995¤#¤21¤#¤2¤#¤34-36¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Legal developments¤#¤Shaw, Jo¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤Annual 94¤#¤87-102¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Lessons from a house divided¤#¤Timpson, Annis May¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤12¤#¤234-236¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Lessons from World War II¤#¤¤#¤NIRA review¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤summer¤#¤kokonaan¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Let us work together for a better world¤#¤Zemin, Jiang¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤45¤#¤19-22¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Lithuania in the architecture of European security [ addressed to WEU Assembly]¤#¤Brazauskas, Algirdas¤#¤Monthly survey of Baltic and Post-Soviet politics¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤June¤#¤62-67¤#¤19951129¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Living in the ghetto¤#¤Behram, Alija¤#¤Warreport¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤38¤#¤38-39¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Local governments in inter-governmental relations in Nigeria¤#¤Akinsanya, Adeoye¤#¤Pakistan horizon¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤1¤#¤29-46¤#¤19951109¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Locational competition in the world economy¤#¤¤#¤Kiel reports¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤1-2¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Lost time : the forgetting of the Cold War¤#¤Gambles, Ian¤#¤National interest¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤41 Fall¤#¤26-35¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Maastricht II : are real convergence criteria needed?¤#¤Schmidt, Christian & Straubhaar, Thomas¤#¤Intereconomics¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤5¤#¤211-220¤#¤19951017¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Maastricht II: reviewing European integration¤#¤Krägenau, Henry & Wetter, Wolfgang¤#¤Intereconomics¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤6¤#¤267-275¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Macedonia : Gligorov is back : the president is recovering, in time, it is hoped, to heal political splits in the coalition¤#¤Geroski, Branko¤#¤Warreport¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤38¤#¤12¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Macedonia : on the road to stability - destruction?¤#¤Perry, Duncan M.¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤15¤#¤40-48¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Macedonia: focus of Greek policy towards the Balkans¤#¤Varvaroussis, Paris¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤358-364¤#¤19951124¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Making Peace with the Guilty¤#¤Boyd, Charles G.¤#¤Foreign affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤74¤#¤5¤#¤22¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Man at the crossroads¤#¤Iloniemi, Eero¤#¤Nordicum¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤6-11¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Managing Australia's image in Asia¤#¤Smyth, Rosaleen¤#¤Australian journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤2¤#¤223-236¤#¤19951121¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Measures in the Asia-Pacific region¤#¤Renshi, Luo¤#¤International strategic studies¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤18-24¤#¤¤#¤RL03, SC¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Measuring household food security: a participatory process approach¤#¤Nyborg, Ingrid & Haug, Ruth¤#¤Forum for development studies¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤1¤#¤29-60¤#¤19951129¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Media : Croatian vote and the press¤#¤Gamilec, Nikola¤#¤Warreport¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤38¤#¤17¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Memorandum : national minority rights¤#¤¤#¤Serbia in the world¤#¤1996¤#¤¤#¤spec. supp¤#¤kokonaan¤#¤19951212¤#¤SF10, SF01.02, SG02.03, RA08.26¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Mental health and depression among adolescents in Latvia¤#¤Miezitis, Solveiga & Kalnins, Ilze¤#¤Journal of Baltic studies¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤3¤#¤211-220¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤MERCOSUR a Latin American regional integration of the second generation¤#¤Stevens, Willy¤#¤Studia diplomatica¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤4¤#¤49-64¤#¤¤#¤RD04.03¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Methane embodied in the international trade of commodities : implications for global emissions¤#¤Subak, Susan¤#¤Global environmental change¤#¤1995¤#¤5¤#¤5¤#¤433-446¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Middle East nuclear stability: the state of the region and the state of the debate¤#¤Feldman, Shai¤#¤Journal of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤49¤#¤1¤#¤205-230¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Military prerogatives and the stalemate of Chilean civil-military relations¤#¤Ensalaco, Mark¤#¤Armed forces & society¤#¤1995¤#¤21¤#¤2¤#¤255-270¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Minority issues within the Central Asian States¤#¤¤#¤Background brief¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤August¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Minority rights in Romania¤#¤Flora, Gavril¤#¤Perspectives¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5 Summer¤#¤117-124¤#¤¤#¤RA08.13¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Moldova : back to Romanian?¤#¤Ionescu, Dan¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤ 1¤#¤15¤#¤54-57¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Montenegro : moving west : the premier hits the diplomatic road¤#¤Brajevic, Velizar¤#¤Warreport¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤38¤#¤15¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Most difficult times: a Palestinian in refuge¤#¤Ahmed, Hisham H.¤#¤Institute of Current World Affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤March¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Multicultural Foreign Policy¤#¤Shain, Yossi¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤100¤#¤69-91¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Multilateral diplomacy and conflict resolution¤#¤Bertram, Christoph¤#¤Survival¤#¤1995/1996¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤65-82¤#¤19951127¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Multilateralism matters, but how? : the impact of multilateralism on great power policy towards the break-up of Yugoslavia¤#¤Jakobsen, Peter Viggo¤#¤Cooperation and conflict¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤4¤#¤365-398¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Murder in Zion¤#¤Avineri, Shlomo¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤12¤#¤226-227¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤National economic planning and the globalization challenge¤#¤¤#¤Citra Indonesia¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤8¤#¤16-17¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤NATO expansion: flirting with disaster : the march toward enlargement¤#¤¤#¤Defense monitor¤#¤1995¤#¤24¤#¤9¤#¤1-7¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤NATO slows eastward expansion¤#¤Baoxiang, Zhang¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤48¤#¤8¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤NATO's expansion: not only necessary, but also possible¤#¤Tinca, Gheorghe¤#¤Central European issues¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤1¤#¤63-72¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤NATO, Russia and the Yugoslav war¤#¤Sobell, Vlad¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤11¤#¤208-215¤#¤19951106¤#¤RA01.02, RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Negotiations for the International Convention to Combat Desertification (1993-1994)¤#¤Kassas, Mohammad¤#¤International environmental affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤7¤#¤2¤#¤176-186¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Neoliberalism and the transformation of populism in Latin America : the Peruvian case¤#¤Roberts, Kenneth M.¤#¤World politics¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤1¤#¤82-116¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤New global trends in culture and identity¤#¤Hunter, Shireen T.¤#¤International spectator¤#¤1995¤#¤ 30¤#¤2¤#¤35-48¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤New opportunities in the Czech republic¤#¤Stastna, Jaroslava¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤16¤#¤24-28, 61¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤New parameters of European security¤#¤Davidov, Yuri¤#¤Perspectives¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5 Summer¤#¤19-24¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤New trade issues, developing countries and the future of the WTO¤#¤Falautano, Isabella & Guerrieri, Paolo¤#¤International spectator¤#¤2000¤#¤35¤#¤2 Apr/June¤#¤71-86¤#¤2000823¤#¤SB, SD, SD01.01, RM03, SD03.02, RO¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Nigeria: the policy conundrum¤#¤Hoffman, Adonis¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤101 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European integration : agricultural power, policy legacies and EU membership¤#¤Ingebritsen, Christine¤#¤Cooperation and conflict¤#¤1995¤#¤30¤#¤4¤#¤349-363¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Notes from the underground: an outsider's guide to the Defense Budget Debate¤#¤Hartung, William D.¤#¤World policy journal¤#¤1995¤#¤12¤#¤3 Fall¤#¤15-28¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Notes of the month: The UN at fifty: reforming institutions or individuals?¤#¤Picco, Giandomenico¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤11¤#¤206-207¤#¤19951106¤#¤RM01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤NPT extension and its impact on international arms control and disarmament¤#¤Zhenxi, Jiang¤#¤Foreign affairs journal¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤37¤#¤45-52¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Nuclear energy 50 years after Hiroshima¤#¤Imai, Ryukichi¤#¤Asia-Pacific review¤#¤1995¤#¤2¤#¤2¤#¤73-96¤#¤19951222¤#¤RI03.22¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Nuclear energy for seawater desalination: updating the record¤#¤Kupitz, Juergen¤#¤IAEA bulletin¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤21-24¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Nuclear power: keeping the option open¤#¤Davies, 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R.¤#¤International security¤#¤1995¤#¤20¤#¤2 (Fall)¤#¤63-91¤#¤19951115¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤State profiles in environmental education : the trend is toward comprehensive programs¤#¤Ruskey, Abby¤#¤EPA journal¤#¤1995¤#¤21¤#¤2¤#¤25-27¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Sunan: Where the rural industrial revolution changes China's landscape, part II : "a new force suddenly coming to the fore"¤#¤Li, Cheng¤#¤Institute of Current World Affairs¤#¤1994¤#¤¤#¤CL-18¤#¤kokonaan¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Taiwan issue brooks no foreign interference¤#¤Liang, Bai¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤45¤#¤22-23¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Tajikistan: Islam, Democracy, and Tajikistan : an interview with Davlat Khudonazarov¤#¤¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1994¤#¤7¤#¤3¤#¤45-52¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Tanzania, Africa and North-South¤#¤Nyerere, Julius K.¤#¤Review of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤1037¤#¤10, 23-25¤#¤19951117¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Technology and the dynamics of specialization in open economics¤#¤¤#¤Kiel reports¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤2-3¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Telecommunications policy in the European Union: developing the information superhighway¤#¤Curwen, Peter¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤331-360¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The 'new South'¤#¤Strong, Maurice¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤11¤#¤215-219¤#¤19951106¤#¤RN01, RO¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The advantages of complentariy: US and European policies towards the Middle East peace process¤#¤Perthes, Volker¤#¤International spectator¤#¤2000¤#¤35¤#¤2 Apr/June¤#¤41-56¤#¤2000823¤#¤RA01.01, RC02, RG02.01, RG02.15, RG02, SF06, SB05¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The American way : or how the chaos, unpredictability, contradictions, complexity, and example of our system undid Communism and Apartheid¤#¤Chettle, John¤#¤National interest¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤41 Fall¤#¤3-18¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Army reserve soldier in operation Desert Storm: perceptions of being prepared for mobilization, deployment, and combat¤#¤Griffith, James¤#¤Armed forces & society¤#¤1995¤#¤21¤#¤2¤#¤195-216¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The authoritarian idea in the public conscious and political life of contemporary Russia¤#¤Vainshtein, Grigorii¤#¤Journal of Communist studies and transition politics¤#¤1995¤#¤11¤#¤3¤#¤272-285¤#¤19951214¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The balance between small and large: effects of a double-majority system on voting power in the European Union¤#¤Hosli, Madeleine O.¤#¤International studies quarterly¤#¤1995¤#¤39¤#¤3¤#¤351-370¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Balkan cauldron heats up : Greece and Macedonia: the dispute in brief¤#¤Huttenbach, Henry R.¤#¤Analysis of current events¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤12¤#¤1-2¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Balkan kettle¤#¤Czyrek, Josef¤#¤Review of international affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤1038¤#¤5-8¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The beginnings of public debate: think tanks in Eastern Europe¤#¤Quigley, Kevin F. F.¤#¤NIRA review¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤Autumn¤#¤28-31¤#¤19951128¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The birth of a new era? : the 1995 NPT Conference and the politics of nuclear disarmament¤#¤Simpson, John¤#¤Security dialogue¤#¤1995¤#¤26¤#¤3¤#¤247-256¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The burden of history: Finland as a status quo country¤#¤Antola, Esko¤#¤International spectator¤#¤1994¤#¤29¤#¤4 Oct-Dec¤#¤65-79¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SC02¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The cease-fire at home¤#¤Avdic, Senad¤#¤Warreport¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤38¤#¤20-21¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The challenges to Indonesia's unity¤#¤Sudarsono, Juwono¤#¤Citra Indonesia¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤5¤#¤11-14¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The CIA vindicated : the Soviet collapse was predicted¤#¤Berkowitz, Bruce D. & Richelson, Jeffrey T.¤#¤National interest¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤41 Fall¤#¤36-47¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Clinton administration's global strategy¤#¤Guanghui, Su¤#¤International strategic studies¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤6-11¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The cognitive structure of decision making and the course of Arab-Israeli relations, 1970-1978¤#¤Astorino-Courtois, Allison¤#¤Journal of conflict resolution¤#¤1995¤#¤39¤#¤3¤#¤419-438¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The common foreign and security policy in the context of the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference¤#¤Broek, Hans van den¤#¤Studia diplomatica¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤4¤#¤31-38¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty negotiations: a view from Geneva¤#¤Weston, Sir Michael¤#¤NATO review¤#¤1995¤#¤43¤#¤5¤#¤17-20¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The concept of power in international relations¤#¤Rasheed, Mazen Faris¤#¤Pakistan horizon¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤1¤#¤95-100¤#¤19951109¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The continuing crisis: the withering of state¤#¤Fairbanks Jr, Charles H.¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1995¤#¤8¤#¤2¤#¤5-22¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The controversy over Western measures of Soviet defense expenditures¤#¤Noren, James H.¤#¤Post-Soviet affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤11¤#¤3¤#¤238-276¤#¤19951013¤#¤RA07.01, SC07¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The crisis of the state in Russia¤#¤Lynch, Allen¤#¤International spectator¤#¤1995¤#¤ 30¤#¤2¤#¤21-34¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The current stage and perspectives of Romania-NATO cooperation¤#¤Rotaru, Gheorghe¤#¤Central European issues¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤1¤#¤77-84¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The current state of European security¤#¤Robejsek, Petr¤#¤Perspectives¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5 Summer¤#¤25-40¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Czech Republic: a Czech political map¤#¤Zahradil, Jan¤#¤Uncaptive minds¤#¤1994¤#¤7¤#¤3¤#¤79-84¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Czech Republic: different legacies of dissent : in response to G. M. 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allocation of tradable carbo emission permits¤#¤Beckerman, Wilfred & Pasek, Joanna¤#¤Global environmental change¤#¤1995¤#¤5¤#¤5¤#¤405-413¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The era of globalization : an overview¤#¤Suryo, Atmono¤#¤Citra Indonesia¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤6¤#¤24-25¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Estonian SSR language law (1989): background and implementation¤#¤Raun, Toivo U.¤#¤Nationalities papers¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤3¤#¤515-534¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The EU referendum in Finland on 16 October 1994: a vote for the West, not for Maastricht¤#¤Arter, David¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤3 Sep¤#¤361-387¤#¤19951012¤#¤RA01.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Eurasian nationalities collection in Non-Slavic languages held by the Slavic and Baltic Division of the New York Public Library¤#¤Eren, Norman¤#¤Nationalities papers¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤4¤#¤789-796¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The European Economic and Monetary Union¤#¤Knorr, Andreas¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤339-348¤#¤19951124¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The European security agenda¤#¤Solana, Javier¤#¤NATO review¤#¤1995¤#¤43¤#¤6¤#¤11-14¤#¤19951114¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The European security structure : a plethora of organizations¤#¤Höjberg, Anne-Else¤#¤NATO review¤#¤1995¤#¤43¤#¤6¤#¤30-35¤#¤19951114¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The European Union's enlargement negotiations with Austria, Finland, Norway and Sweden¤#¤Granell, Francisco¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤1 March¤#¤117-141¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The European Union's security and defence policy : how to avoid missing the 1996 rendez-vous¤#¤Santer, Jacques¤#¤NATO review¤#¤1995¤#¤43¤#¤6¤#¤3-9¤#¤19951114¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The evolution of cooperative security dialogues in Europe as well as in Asia and the Pacific: CSCE, NACC and ARF¤#¤Ueta, Takako¤#¤Helsinki monitor¤#¤1994¤#¤5¤#¤4¤#¤62-78¤#¤¤#¤RA01.07, RA01.02, RL03, SC01¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The fire behind the smoke: external sources of ethnic conflicts in Africa¤#¤Osaghae, Eghosa E.¤#¤Forum for development studies¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤1¤#¤5-28¤#¤19951129¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The forgotten casualties: women, children, and environmental change¤#¤Cutter, Susan L.¤#¤Global environmental change¤#¤1995¤#¤5¤#¤3¤#¤181-194¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The future of populous economies: China and India shape their destinies¤#¤Livernash, Robert¤#¤Environment¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤6¤#¤6-11¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The future of the US - Japan relationship¤#¤¤#¤Strategic comments¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤9¤#¤¤#¤19951207¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The generals manoeuvre on the political battlefied¤#¤Mathers, Jennifer G.¤#¤World today¤#¤1995¤#¤51¤#¤12¤#¤231-234¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Georgian economy: problems of reform¤#¤Papava, Vladimir¤#¤Eurasian studies¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤52-61¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Georgian language state program and its implications¤#¤Jones, Stephen F.¤#¤Nationalities papers¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤3¤#¤535-548¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The German overthrow of the Central Rada, April, 1918: new evidence from German archives¤#¤Dmytryshyn, Basil¤#¤Nationalities papers¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤4¤#¤751-767¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Global Jobs Crisis¤#¤Marshall, Ray¤#¤Foreign policy¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤100¤#¤50-68¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The global resurgence of religion and the study of world politics¤#¤Thomas, Scott¤#¤Millennium¤#¤1995¤#¤24¤#¤2¤#¤289-300¤#¤¤#¤SB, SB01, SK02, SG09¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The history of Kumyks and their current problems¤#¤Aliyev, Kamil¤#¤Eurasian studies¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤69-78¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The history of the word "democracy" in France¤#¤Rosanvallon, Pierre¤#¤Journal of Democracy¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤140-154¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The indivisibility of arms control: saving the CFE Treaty¤#¤McCausland, Jeffrey D.¤#¤Atlantic Council of the United States bulletin¤#¤1995¤#¤6¤#¤9¤#¤kokonaan¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The intenational Arctic Seas assessment project: progress report¤#¤Sjöblom, Kirsti-Liisa & Linsley, Gordon s.¤#¤IAEA bulletin¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤25-30¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The international community and the closure of Chernobyl¤#¤Rijswijk, Joan S. 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developing countries¤#¤Danish, Kyle W.¤#¤International environmental affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤7¤#¤2¤#¤150-175¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The public policy role of the European Investment Bank within the EU¤#¤Honohan, Patrick¤#¤Journal of Common Market studies¤#¤1995¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤315-330¤#¤19951012¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The Renville Accord part II¤#¤Emzita, By¤#¤Citra Indonesia¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤8¤#¤19-22¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The resettlement of Soviet citizens from Manchuria in 1935-36: a research not¤#¤Onegina, Svetlana V.¤#¤Europe-Asia studies¤#¤1995¤#¤47¤#¤6¤#¤1043-1050¤#¤19951020¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The return of the repressed: Anti-Internationalism and the American Right¤#¤Blumenthal, Sidney¤#¤World policy journal¤#¤1995¤#¤12¤#¤3 Fall¤#¤1-14¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The rise of ASEAN and Japan's Asean strategy¤#¤Peiliang, Tian¤#¤Foreign affairs journal¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤37¤#¤64-71¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The risk factor¤#¤Pick, Otto¤#¤Perspectives¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5 Summer¤#¤41-46¤#¤¤#¤RA02.03¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The role of 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Vietnam a class war?¤#¤Mazur, Allan¤#¤Armed forces & society¤#¤1995¤#¤21¤#¤3¤#¤455-460¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤We and us: two modes of group identification¤#¤Eriksen, Thomas Hylland¤#¤Journal of peace research¤#¤1995¤#¤32¤#¤4¤#¤427-436¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Welcoming the neighbours¤#¤¤#¤Understanding global issues¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤8¤#¤16-17¤#¤19951116¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤WEU's operational development and its relationship to NATO¤#¤Cutileiro, Jose¤#¤NATO review¤#¤1995¤#¤43¤#¤5¤#¤8-11¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤What was post-modernism? : the arts in and after the Cold War¤#¤Bradbury, Malcolm¤#¤International affairs¤#¤1995¤#¤71¤#¤4¤#¤763-774¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Where are the gaps in environmental education? : disadvantaged kids have different needs and concerns¤#¤Rockland, David B.¤#¤EPA journal¤#¤1995¤#¤21¤#¤2¤#¤12-13¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Who gets what¤#¤Metiljevic, Asim¤#¤Warreport¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤38¤#¤30-31¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Who has threatened whom after all?¤#¤Xin, Xu¤#¤International strategic studies¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤s. 1-5¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Who won the trade war?¤#¤Zoellick, Robert B.¤#¤National interest¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤41 Fall¤#¤78-81¤#¤19951016¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Why environmental education? : it is critical to maintain our quality of life¤#¤Browner, Carol M.¤#¤EPA journal¤#¤1995¤#¤21¤#¤2¤#¤6-8¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Will Japan go nuclear? : myth versus fact¤#¤Kamiya, Matake¤#¤Asia-Pacific review¤#¤1995¤#¤2¤#¤2¤#¤5-19¤#¤19951222¤#¤RI03.22¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Women, changing roles : practical concerns and political protest in Post-Soviet Ukraine¤#¤Bohachevsky-Chomiak¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤16¤#¤12-17¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Women, changing roles : the Russian family in flux¤#¤Bodrova, Valentina¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤16¤#¤10-11¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Women, changing roles : bearing the 'double burden' in Russia¤#¤Morvant, Penny¤#¤Transition¤#¤1995¤#¤1¤#¤16¤#¤4-9, 60¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Work to live or work to survive? : European employment policy at crossroads¤#¤Flynn, Padraig¤#¤Studia diplomatica¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤4¤#¤39-48¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤World finance in need of reform¤#¤Yuanhua, Yang¤#¤Beijing review¤#¤1995¤#¤38¤#¤41¤#¤18-19¤#¤19951114¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Yeltsin's campaing against crime¤#¤¤#¤Background brief¤#¤1995¤#¤ 0¤#¤January¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Young Polish consumers: economic determinants, household equipment, skills, participation in culture¤#¤Jung, Bohdan¤#¤Journal of Communist studies and transition politics¤#¤1995¤#¤11¤#¤3¤#¤286-307¤#¤19951214¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤"Kenelle kellot soivat" : vapaamatkustajille ei ole tilaa eurooppalaisessa turvallisuuspolitiikassa¤#¤Taina, Anneli¤#¤Maanpuolustus¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤59¤#¤6-9¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤"Kriittiselle keskustelulle on tilaa"¤#¤Kangaspuro, Markku¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤20-21¤#¤19951228¤#¤SC03 RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤"Rauhanliike on jälleen ajautunut aallonpohjalle"¤#¤Pakaslahti, Johannes & Sundman, Folke¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤19-20¤#¤19951228¤#¤SC03 RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤"Rauhanliikkeen sydämessä ei ole kammiovärinää"¤#¤Suomela, Kalevi¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤18¤#¤19951228¤#¤SC03 RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[35:] Demokratia ja ulkopolitiikka¤#¤Kalela, Jaakko¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤42-43¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SB02, SF02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[35:] Globalisaatio ja ulkopolitiikka¤#¤Rutanen, Pasi¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤11-12¤#¤¤#¤SD01, SB, SB02, (RA03.01), RN03¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[35:] Itämeren alueen vakaus¤#¤Blomberg, Jaakko¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤27-28¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SC01, RA02.12¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[35:] Kansan haaste¤#¤Nordenstreng, Kaarle¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤35-36¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SG05.02, SG06¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[35:] Suomi, Pohjola ja Emu¤#¤Jansson, Jan-Magnus¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤20-21¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, RA01.01, SD01.02, SD02.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[35:] Turvallisuuden tuolla puolen¤#¤Möttölä, Kari¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤49-50¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SC02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[35:] Ulkopolitiikan tutkimuksen rahoitus on yllättävän kova laji¤#¤Virmavirta, Jarmo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤59-61¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SK04, SK05, SB02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Haastattelu:] Yhteyksiä rajojen ja identiteettien poikki - kohti uutta maailmanpolitiikkaa? : R.B.J. Walkerin Internet-haastattelu¤#¤Patomäki, Heikki¤#¤Kosmopolis¤#¤1995¤#¤25¤#¤4¤#¤23-37¤#¤19951229¤#¤SB, SK02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Haju & VOC:] Haihtuvien orgaanisten aineiden päästölähteet¤#¤Mroueh, Ulla-Maija¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤5¤#¤13-16¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Haju & VOC:] Haihtuvien orgaanisten yhdisteiden (VOC) päästöt pääkaupunkiseudulla¤#¤Myllynen, Maria¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤5¤#¤17-19¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Haju & VOC:] Hajuille ohjearvoja?¤#¤Arnold, Mona¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤5¤#¤4-5¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Haju & VOC:] Hajuyhdisteiden leviämismalli käytössä¤#¤Savunen, Tarja¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤5¤#¤10-12¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Haju & VOC:] Suomen hajuhaittatilanne ja hajujen vähentäminen¤#¤Arnold, Mona¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤5¤#¤6-9¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kaksintaistelu:] Oliko Euroopan neuvoston päätös poistaa Venäjän äänioikeus oikein? : kyllä¤#¤Kivinen, Olli¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤77-78¤#¤¤#¤RA01.05, RA07.21, SB01¤#¤[Abstract:] Euroopan neuvoston parlamentaarinen yleiskokous päätti poistaa Venäjältä äänioikeuden neuvostossa vastalauseena maan toimille Tshetsheniassa. Kolumnisti Olli Kivisen mukaan toimenpide oli perusteltu ja hän korostaa, että Euroopan neuvoston luonteeseen ei sovi reaalipolitiikalla perusteltu puuttumattomuus, vaan neuvoston on toimittava ihmisoikeuksen ollessa uhattuna sen jäsenmaassa. Kansanedustaja Jaakko Laakso on toista mieltä. Hänen mukaansa Euroopan neuvoston Venäjään kohdistamat sanktiot eivät auta sodasta kärsiviä, vaan vaikeuttavat yhteistyötä Venäjän hallituksen kanssa.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kaksintaistelu:] Oliko Euroopan neuvoston päätös poistaa Venäjän äänioikeus oikein? : ei¤#¤Laakso, Jaakko¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤79-80¤#¤¤#¤RA01.05, RA07.21, SB01¤#¤[Abstract:] Euroopan neuvoston parlamentaarinen yleiskokous päätti poistaa Venäjältä äänioikeuden neuvostossa vastalauseena maan toimille Tshetsheniassa. Kolumnisti Olli Kivisen mukaan toimenpide oli perusteltu ja hän korostaa, että Euroopan neuvoston luonteeseen ei sovi reaalipolitiikalla perusteltu puuttumattomuus, vaan neuvoston on toimittava ihmisoikeuksen ollessa uhattuna sen jäsenmaassa. Kansanedustaja Jaakko Laakso on toista mieltä. Hänen mukaansa Euroopan neuvoston Venäjään kohdistamat sanktiot eivät auta sodasta kärsiviä, vaan vaikeuttavat yhteistyötä Venäjän hallituksen kanssa.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kaksintaistelu:] Oliko EU-maiden boikotti Itävaltaa vastaan perusteltu : ei¤#¤Tarkka, Jukka¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤42-44¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SB01, RA05.13, SF03, SG05.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kaksintaistelu:] Oliko EU-maiden boikotti Itävaltaa vastaan perusteltu : kyllä¤#¤Luoto, Jari¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤40-42¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SB01, RA05.13, SF03, SG05.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kaksintaistelu:] Onko Venäjällä toimivaa kansalaisyhteiskuntaa? : kyllä¤#¤Pursiainen, Christer¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤78-81¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, SF, SF04, SF01.01, SG07¤#¤[Abstract:] Venäjä on viimeisen vuosikymmenen aikana ottanut ensimmäisiä haparoivia askeleitaan demokratisoitumisen tiellä, mutta onko sen demokratiakehitys tuonut mukanaan myös toimivan kansalaisyhteiskunnan. Aleksanteri-instituutin johtaja Christer Pursiainen uskoo näin olevan ja onkin sitä mieltä, että tärkeämpää kuin pohtia kansalaisyhteiskunnan olemassaoloa Venäjällä on pohtia sen luonnetta ja merkitystä. Venäjäntutkija Ilmari Susiluoto puolestaan pitää venäläisen kansalaisyhteiskunnan olemassaoloa harhakäsityksenä, johon optimistiset ulkomaalaiset demokratian kannattajat haluavat uskoa, mutta jota edes venäläiset liberaalit eivät pidä osana nykyistä venäläistä yhteiskuntaa.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kaksintaistelu:] Onko Venäjällä toimivaa kansalaisyhteiskuntaa? : ei¤#¤Susiluoto, Ilmari¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤81-82¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, SF, SF04, SF01.01, SG07¤#¤[Abstract:] Venäjä on viimeisen vuosikymmenen aikana ottanut ensimmäisiä haparoivia askeleitaan demokratisoitumisen tiellä, mutta onko sen demokratiakehitys tuonut mukanaan myös toimivan kansalaisyhteiskunnan. Aleksanteri-instituutin johtaja Christer Pursiainen uskoo näin olevan ja onkin sitä mieltä, että tärkeämpää kuin pohtia kansalaisyhteiskunnan olemassaoloa Venäjällä on pohtia sen luonnetta ja merkitystä. Venäjäntutkija Ilmari Susiluoto puolestaan pitää venäläisen kansalaisyhteiskunnan olemassaoloa harhakäsityksenä, johon optimistiset ulkomaalaiset demokratian kannattajat haluavat uskoa, mutta jota edes venäläiset liberaalit eivät pidä osana nykyistä venäläistä yhteiskuntaa.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kaksintaistelu:] Tekikö Kekkonen PYV-ehdotuksen Neuvostoliiton aloitteesta? : kyllä¤#¤Nevakivi, Jukka¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤54-56¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SA02, SC03, SB02¤#¤[Abstract:] Presidentti kekkosen toukokuussa 1963 tekemä aloite Pohjolan ydinaseettomasta vyöhykkeestä (PYV) kuului Suomen ulkopolitiikan keskeisiin tavoitteisiin kahden vuosikymmenen ajan. Koska hanke ei koskaan - tai ainakaan toistaiseksi ole - toteutunut, sitä voidaan ainakin tulokseen nähden pitää yhtenä Suomen sodanjälkeisen ulkopolitiikan suurimmista epäonnistumisista. Pohjolan ydinaseetonta vyöhykettä on käsitelty vuosiensaatossa laajasti myös Ulkopolitiikka-lehden sivuilla. Palaamme kysymykseen jälleen, muta tällä kertaa historiallisesta näkökulmasta. Vastakkain on kaksi kokenutta poliittisen historian tutkijaa, joilla on erilainen käsitys PYV-hankkeen alkuperästä. Professori Jukka Nevakivi väittää, että Kekkosen ehdotus perustui Neuvostoliiton toivomuksille. Presidentti Kekkosen elämäkertaa kirjoittava tohtori Juhani Suomi taas korostaa, että PYV oli Kekkosen itsenäisesti kehittämä ja esittämä aloite.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kaksintaistelu:] Tekikö Kekkonen PYV-ehdotuksen Neuvostoliiton aloitteesta? : ei¤#¤Suomi, Juhani¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤56-58¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SA02, SC03, SB02¤#¤[Abstract:] Presidentti kekkosen toukokuussa 1963 tekemä aloite Pohjolan ydinaseettomasta vyöhykkeestä (PYV) kuului Suomen ulkopolitiikan keskeisiin tavoitteisiin kahden vuosikymmenen ajan. Koska hanke ei koskaan - tai ainakaan toistaiseksi ole - toteutunut, sitä voidaan ainakin tulokseen nähden pitää yhtenä Suomen sodanjälkeisen ulkopolitiikan suurimmista epäonnistumisista. Pohjolan ydinaseetonta vyöhykettä on käsitelty vuosiensaatossa laajasti myös Ulkopolitiikka-lehden sivuilla. Palaamme kysymykseen jälleen, muta tällä kertaa historiallisesta näkökulmasta. Vastakkain on kaksi kokenutta poliittisen historian tutkijaa, joilla on erilainen käsitys PYV-hankkeen alkuperästä. Professori Jukka Nevakivi väittää, että Kekkosen ehdotus perustui Neuvostoliiton toivomuksille. Presidentti Kekkosen elämäkertaa kirjoittava tohtori Juhani Suomi taas korostaa, että PYV oli Kekkosen itsenäisesti kehittämä ja esittämä aloite.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kasvokkain:] "Koko Eurooppa on Freudin sohvalla" : haastattelussa Max Jakobson¤#¤[haastattelija: Tuomas Forsberg]¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤11-14¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SA02, SF06.01, SG10, SC05, RA07.01, RA05.02¤#¤[Abstract:] Ministeri Max Jakobsonilta on tänä syksynä ilmestynyt uusi kirja Väkivallan vuodet : 20. vuosisadan tilinpäätös 1, jossa hän suhteuttaa Suomen historian tapahtumat laajempaan, eurooppalaiseen yhteyteen. Max Jakobson on myös Viron tasavallan presidentin, Lennart Meren, aloitteesta perustetun kansainvälisen tutkimuskomission johtajana paneutunut viime aikoina menneisyydenhallintaan. Komission tehtävänä on tutkia Virossa natsi- ja neuvostomiehityksen aikana ihmisyyttä vastaan kohdistuneita rikoksia. Tässä haastattelussa Max Jakobson pohtii Tuomas Forsbergin kanssa menneisyydenhallinnan merkitystä niin Suomessa kuin muiden Euroopan maiden historian kipeiden kohtien selvittämisessä.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kasvokkain:] EU-jäsenyyden ja liittoumattomuuden yhdistäminen pelkkä myytti¤#¤haastattelijat: Tuomas Forsberg, Petri Hakkarainen¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤49-52¤#¤¤#¤RA05.02, SB01, SK05, RA01.01, SC02, (RA07.21)¤#¤[Abstract:] Saksalaisen ulko- ja turvallisuuspoliittisen tutkimuslaitoksen SWP:n (Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik) johtaja Christoph Bertram pitää Euroopan unionia ensisijaisesti turvallisuusyhteisönä. EU-jäsenyys tekee liittoutumattomuuden käytännössä mahdottomaksi. Pohjoismaiden ulkopoliittisten instituuttien Berliinissä järjestämään seminaariin osallistunut Bertram kritisoi myös voimakkaasti länsimaiden nykyistä suhtautumista Venäjään. Opportunistisen politiikan sijaan tarvittaisiin pidemmän aikavälin suunnitelmia. Tuomas Forsberg ja Petri Hakkarainen haastatelivat Christoph Bertramia 15.5.2000 Pohjoismaiden ja Saksan ulkopoliittisten instituuttien konferenssin yhteydessä Berliinissä.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kasvokkain:] Ruotsin EU-puheenjohtajuus lähestyy : mikä suunta Euroopan turvallisuus- ja puolustuspolitiikalle?¤#¤[Bringeus, Krister] ; haastattelu: Hanna Ojanen¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤91-94¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SC02, SF02, RA03.02¤#¤[Abstract:] Ruotsin painotukset EU:n turvallisuus- ja puolustuspolitiikassa ovat ei-sotilaallinen kriisinhallinta, konfliktien ennaltaehkäisy ja läheinen yhteys YK:hon ja ETYJ:iin. Näin muotoilee Ruotsin ulkoministeriön Euroopan turvallisuuspolitiikan yksikön päällikkö Krister Bringeus Ruotsin preferenssit maan EU-puheenjohtajuuden kynnyksellä. Bringeus valotti Ruotsin näkemyksiä EU:n turvallisuus- ja puolustuspolitiikasta marraskuun puolivälissä Helsingissä Ulkopoliittisen instituutin ja Ruotsin suurlähetystön järjestämässä seminaarissa. Hanna Ojanen haastatteli Bringeusta seminaarin jälkeen.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kasvokkain:] YK tallella Suomen ulkopolitiikan työkalupakissa [Harri Holkeri]¤#¤haastattelut: Tuomas Forsberg, Maarika Toivonen¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤14-17¤#¤¤#¤RM01, SB, SF02, RA03.01, SB02¤#¤[Abstract:] YK:n 55. yleiskokouksen alkaessa puheenjohtajuusvuoro siirtyy ensimmäistä kertaa Suomelle. Tehtävää ryhtyy hoitamaan valtioneuvos Harri Holkeri. Yleiskokouksen pohdittavana ovat muun muassa turvallisuusneuvoston uudistaminen, kansalaisyhteiskunnan integrointi YK:n toimintaan sekä järjestöä vaivaava talouskriisi. Maailmanjärjestön asemasta ja toimintavalmiuksista on myös, erityisesti Kosovon kriisin jälkeen, käyty vilkasta keskustelua. Harri Holkeria pari viikkoa ennen puheenjohtajuuden alkua haastattelivat Tuomas Forsberg ja Maarika Toivonen.¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Keskustelua:] EU:n tutkimuspolitiikan muotoutuminen¤#¤Kekkonen, Timo¤#¤Tieteessä tapahtuu¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤6¤#¤24-25¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kolumni:] Aseviennin uusi vapaus¤#¤Laakso, Liisa¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤51-52¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SC07.02, SC03, (SC01)¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kolumni:] Pieni sinisiipi¤#¤Tervonen, Hannu¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤62-63¤#¤¤#¤SD01.01, SF01.02, SG05.01, (RA03.01), SG05.02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kolumni:] Yhdistyneet kansakunnat ja globaaliagenda¤#¤Kiljunen, Kimmo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤29-32¤#¤¤#¤RM01, SD01, SD, SB¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kommentti:] Jälkisuomettumisen jäljillä¤#¤Valkonen, Martti¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤29-32¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SB01, SA02, RA07.01, SG08¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Kommentti:] Rotkirch vastaa: Venäjää on kohdeltava normaalina maana¤#¤Rotkirch, Anna¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤32-34¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SB01, SA02, RA07.01, SG08¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Maailman ilmansuojelukongressi:] Otsonia muodostavien aineiden päästörajoitustarve malleilla arvioituna¤#¤Johansson, Matti¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤4¤#¤22-25¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Maailman ilmansuojelukongressi:] Tietoa terveysvaikutuksista¤#¤Mukala, Kristiina¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤4¤#¤18-21¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Maailman ilmansuojelukongressi:] Kongressi kulisseista koettuna¤#¤Estlander, Alec¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤4¤#¤13-15¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Maailman ilmansuojelukongressi:] Kävijän kokemuksia kongressista¤#¤Elsilä, Ari & Surakka, Jouni¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤4¤#¤16-17¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Näkökulmia:] Kantista Marxiin ja takaisin¤#¤Oittinen, Vesa¤#¤Kosmopolis¤#¤1995¤#¤25¤#¤4¤#¤65-73¤#¤19951229¤#¤SG05.01, SK02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Päätoimittajalta:] Eurooppalaista ulkopolitiikkaa¤#¤Forsberg, Tuomas¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤2-3¤#¤¤#¤SB02, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Päätoimittajalta:] Liittoutumattomuuden kahdet kasvot¤#¤Forsberg, Tuomas¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤2-3¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SC02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Päätoimittajalta:] Tilinteko menneisyydestä rakentaa luottamusta¤#¤Forsberg, Tuomas¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤3-4¤#¤¤#¤SA02, RA03.01, RA07.21, RA05.02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Päätoimittajalta:] Yhdysvaltain ohjuspuolustus Euroopan huolena¤#¤Forsberg, Tuomas¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤2-3¤#¤¤#¤RC02, SC02, SC04, SC06.02, SI03.05¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Päätoimittajalta:] YK elää idealismista¤#¤Forsberg, Tuomas¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤2-3¤#¤¤#¤RM01, SB, SF02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Transatlanttinen yhteistyö:] EU ja USA pääsivät sopimukseen transatlanttisesta yhteistyöstä¤#¤Johansson, Kirsi¤#¤Kauppapolitiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤16-17¤#¤19951229¤#¤SD03.01, RA01.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Uudistuuko Euroopan Unioni?:] Liittoutumattomien ja puolueettomien maiden osallistuminen yhteiseen ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikkaan¤#¤Iivari, Ulpu¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤32-37¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Uudistuuko Euroopan Unioni?:] Yhteisen ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikan tulevaisuuden näkymiä¤#¤Wiersma, Jan Marinus¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤28-30¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Uudistuuko Euroopan Unioni?:] Suomen odotukset, tavoitteet, lähtökohdat sekä valmistelu¤#¤Blomberg, Jaakko¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤14-18¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Uudistuuko Euroopan Unioni?:] Euroopan unionin laajentumisen mahdollisuudet ja ongelmat¤#¤Paasio, Pertti¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤20-23¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Uudistuuko Euroopan Unioni?:] Opetuksia Maastrichtin sopimuksesta¤#¤Corbett, Richard¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤5-6¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Uudistuuko Euroopan Unioni?:] EU:n päätöksenteon tehostaminen : avoimuus ja demokraattinen valvonta¤#¤Tuomioja, Erkki¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤24-27¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤[Uudistuuko Euroopan Unioni?:] Jännitteet hallitusten välisessä konferenssissa¤#¤Jääskinen, Niilo¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤7-13¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Aarnikotka on Ruotsin lentokoneteollisuuden surun ja ylpeyden aihe¤#¤Väänänen, Pekka¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤12¤#¤57-59¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Aktiiviseen ulkomaalais- ja pakolaispolitiikkaan [pääkirjoitus]¤#¤Koivukangas, Olavi¤#¤Siirtolaisuus¤#¤1995¤#¤22¤#¤4¤#¤1-2¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Alueellisten järjestelmien uusi rooli globaalissa turvallisuusjärjestelmässä¤#¤Petman, Jarna¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤41-57¤#¤¤#¤RM01, SC01, SB05, SF06¤#¤[Abstract:] The article looks into the newly found promise of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter, dealing with regional arrangements. The Cold War prevented the development of a close relationship between the Security Council and existing regional arrangements, the latter in fact providing a pretext for keeping disputes out of UN hands. Now, however, the prospect of regional arrangements assuming a role in the area of peace and security as a new world order is being talked about has certainly captured the imagination of scholars and practitioners alike. The UN has not only resorted to the use of regional arrangements as sub-contractors in 'peace-keeping' activities but it has also adopted a more inclusive approach as to the organizations qualifying to act under Chapter VIII. Even traditional defence alliances are now deemed acceptable 'for dealing with such matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security as are appropriate for regional action'. In Africa, especially, regional organizations have taken full advantage of the new permissive interpretation. In Europe the OSCE has shown willingness to act as a Chapter VIII organization, the UN explicitly included Nato and WEU under Chapter VIII during the Bosnian crisis. It is to be expected that regional security arrangements will continue to receive increased attention. Against this background it is important to remember that all regional activities in the maintenance of peace must be tested against Chapter VIII: if they consist of 'peaceful settlement' of 'local disputes', regional arrangements take priority over the Security Council; if the activities amount to enforcement action they must have the authorization of the Security Council.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Aseellinen konflikti ja puolustustila¤#¤Myrsky, Matti¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤12¤#¤50-53¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Aseriisunnan ajankohtaiset kysymykset¤#¤Reimaa, Markku¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤70-77¤#¤¤#¤SC01, SL, SC03¤#¤[Abstract:] International efforts to disarmament can be followed on two levels: One can concentrate on traditional multilateral treaties and their implementation, or one can focus on mutual relationships of the great powers. During the Cold War these aspects were often intermingled. Today, even with the Cold War over for years, the relationship of the Nuclear Powers still play a central role in multilateral disarmament negotiations. These problems also are evident in current disarmament processes concerning the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC), the Ottawa Landmines Treaty, Geneva Conference on Disarmament (CD), and the disarmament talks of United Nation's 55th General Assembly.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Asutuskeskustaistelu vaatii yksilöltä taitoa¤#¤Nordberg, Erkki¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤40-43¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Autuaita ovat murheelliset, sillä he saavat lohdutuksen¤#¤Miettunen, Miika¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤25-27¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Autuaita ovat rauhantekijät, sillä he perivät maan (Israel)¤#¤Miettunen, Miika¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤7-12¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Baltian maiden omat valuutat ja talouden vakautus - pienten maiden suuri menestys¤#¤Lainela, Seija¤#¤Idäntalouksien katsauksia¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤7¤#¤73-86¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Bioaseiden kieltosopimuksen valvonnasta ei yksimielisyyttä¤#¤Matero, Pirjo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤49-58¤#¤¤#¤SI03.03, SI03.05, SC03, SL¤#¤[Abstract:] Negotiations for the Verification Protocol for the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC) are the only multilateral negotiations, which are ongoing at the moment. Started in 1995, they are scheduled to be finished by the Fifth Review Conference in 2001. As the time limit is approaching, the negotiators have a difficult task of finding common solutions and enough political will to reach the final agreement on severe questions like export controls. Recent developments in the field of biotechnology and growing suspicions of violations of the Convention, as well as the acknowledged violations of Iraq and the former Soviet Union have made a credible verification regime all the more important. The position of the biotechnological and pharmaceutical industries should also be taken into account.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Bosnia-Herzegovinan yhtenäisyys uhattuna¤#¤Mielonen, Timo¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤38-40¤#¤19951228¤#¤RA08.24¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Carl Schmitt ja moderni sota¤#¤Ojakangas, Mika¤#¤Kosmopolis¤#¤1995¤#¤25¤#¤4¤#¤39-49¤#¤19951229¤#¤SG05.01, SK02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤De Gaullen ikioma gallialainen ydinase¤#¤Forss, Stefan & Anttila, Markku¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤9¤#¤18-21¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Divisioonat prikaateiksi tai varastoon Karjalassa¤#¤Lähde, Pauli¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤14-17¤#¤19951204¤#¤RA03.08, RA07.21, SC06.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Eeva Ahtisaaren avustaja Laura Kolbe on arvokonservatiivi, joka vihaa metsäläisyyttä ja 60-lukua¤#¤Ydinryhmä¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤2-3¤#¤19951228¤#¤SG06, RA03.01, SA04¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ei mikään "Partnership for beer" -harjoitus¤#¤Nurminen, Tomi¤#¤Kylkirauta¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤20-21¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ei sotaa ilman sääntöjä : kansainväliset kriisit pelitilanteina¤#¤Mäkinen, Reijo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤2¤#¤42-44¤#¤¤#¤SB05¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Elämän tragedia - katastrofin pelon historiaa¤#¤Salmi, Hannu¤#¤Historiallinen aikakauskirja¤#¤1995¤#¤93¤#¤3¤#¤195-202¤#¤19951122¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤EMAS-puitteet yritysten ympäristöasioiden hyvään hallintaan¤#¤Seppälä, Jyri & Silvo, Kimmo & Schultz, Titta¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤4¤#¤9-12¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤EMU - mahdollisuus vai uhka¤#¤Lundh, Per-Erik¤#¤Talous & yhteiskunta¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤4¤#¤26-29¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤EMU: neljä vapautta, yksi valuutta - ja kolme vakautta?¤#¤Sauramo, Pekka¤#¤Talous & yhteiskunta¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤4¤#¤42-49¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Enemmistö eurooppalaisista kannattaa integraatiota mutta ei innosta palaen: euroopplainen mielipideilmasto eurobarometrien valossa¤#¤Wiberg, Matti & Raunio, Tapio¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤253-269¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤[Abstract:] "The main findings of the Eurobarometers 1973-1995 are presented and discussed. Particular weight is put on the evaluation of the levels and trends of current European public opinion concerning various aspects of integration. We show that there is a majority of Europeans in favor of integration, but this positive support has not manifested itself as active participation in the direct elections of the European parliament. There is no clear European identity shared by the majority of Europeans. instead Europeans tend to think of themselves mostly in terms of nationalities. Europeans do not know much about integration issues. Euroscepticism has increased since the Maastricht Treaty."¤ ¤fin¤#¤Erikoisnumero: Slovenia¤#¤¤#¤Muuttuva Itä-Eurooppa : uudistuvat markkinat¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤kokonaan¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Espanjan pitkä marssi : Francon varjosta Aznarin tielle¤#¤Savola, Heikki¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤2¤#¤49-56¤#¤¤#¤SA02, SB02, RA06.02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Estonia's transition to a market economy 1995¤#¤Sepp, Urmas¤#¤Idäntalouksien katsauksia¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤5-61¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Etulinjan iskukyky löytyy kokonaisvaltaisesta laatujohtamisesta ja pienistä tiimeistä¤#¤Knuuttila, Erkki¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤12¤#¤21-24¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤ETYJ:n vähemmistövaltuutettu konfliktien ehkäisijänä¤#¤Pentikäinen, Merja¤#¤Ihmisoikeusraportti¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤22-23¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤ETYK 20 vuotta¤#¤Pentikäinen, Merja¤#¤Ihmisoikeusraportti¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤1, 17-19¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤EU demokratisoituu Euroopan parlamentin ansiosta¤#¤Ranta, Timo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤66-70¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SF01.01, SF02¤#¤[Abstract:] The author explores recent institutional changes in the EU and concludes that a form of supra-national parliamentarism is evolving. The European Parliament has gained political and constitutional rights comparable to and, in some areas, superior to those of national parliaments. The article concludes with a call for a debate on the nature of the EU's institutional system and the limits of EP's power This would help to clarify the role of the EP in the eyes of the citizens and to improve the balance between the Parliament's formal rights and its political impact.¤ ¤fin¤#¤EU kypsyttää idän untuvikot edustuskuntoon¤#¤Hillo, Pia¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤25-28¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤EU Suomen johdolla uudelle vuosituhannelle : testi läpäisty kunnialla¤#¤Tiilikainen, Teija¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤45-52¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SK02, RA03.01, SF02¤#¤[Abstract:] The Finnish Presidency of the EU was regarded in Finland as the greatest international challenge since Finland's independence. However, the external preconditions of the presidency were not favourable. Several issues - enlargement, the defence dimension, institutional questions, and the stabilisation of Kosovo - were simultaneously at an important stage, while the political machinery of the EU appeared to have serious malfunctions. The Finnish presidency achieved the objectives in most of the tasks assigned to it. The Turkish status as an official candidate for membership and the rapid development of the defence dimension belong to the most visible achievements. Finland even managed to introduce Northern values like the efficiency and coherence of decision-making into European integration. Relations between the EU and Russia belong to the greatest disappointments. Due to the crises in Chechnya the Finnish plans concerning the advancement of positive relations between the parties stranded.¤ ¤fin¤#¤EU, Finland and Russia¤#¤Iivonen, Jyrki¤#¤Alumni¤#¤1995¤#¤7¤#¤4¤#¤9¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤EU-agendan synty joukkoviestimissä¤#¤Mörä, Tuomo¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤227-237¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤[Abstract:] "The Yes side was much more visible in the Finnish mass media than tht No side before the EU referendun. Among reporters this seemed not to be interntional but rather against the prevailing ethical codes of journalism. In this study I try to analyze the factors and mechanisms that affected the content of EU journalism. In other words, how the media's agendas were set. The crucial factors here seemed to be news gathering routines, ornagizational cultures, personal attitudes and general ideological athmospheres among journalists."¤ ¤fin¤#¤EU-jäsenyys ei lopettanut elintarviketeollisuutta¤#¤Mattila, Jarmo T.¤#¤Kauppapolitiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤10-13¤#¤19951109¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤EU-parlamenttivaaleista painajainen Ruotsissa¤#¤Lumikero, Kari¤#¤Kauppapolitiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤5¤#¤19951109¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤EU:n ja Venäjän epävireinen kumppanuus¤#¤Pursiainen, Christer¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤20-24¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤EU:n Välimeren-politiikka ja Suomi¤#¤Melasuo, Tuomo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤53-70¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, RL04, SB01, RA03.01¤#¤[Abstract:] For the past five years attempts have been made to give a more institutionalised form to the European-Mediterranean relationship, a development known as the Barcelona Process. These attempts have met with a variable success, ranging from a considerable advancement in the area of cultural cooperation to the more modest achievements made in the economic and social sectors. The article explores the different aspects of the process giving special attention to the Finnish role in it.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Euraasialaisuus Venäjän politiikassa¤#¤Oittinen, Vesa¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤1¤#¤4-10¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, SB01, SB02¤#¤[Abstract:] Eurasianism, an ideological current emphasizing Russia's specific mission as a culturally and politically organizing force in the vast continental 'heartland' area of East Europe and Northern Asia, was originally developed among the Russian emigre intellectuals in the 20's. It was strongly influenced by the so-called 'Conservative Revolution' thinkers in Germany of the Weimar Republic and is, in fact, a specific Russian form of geopolitical ideology. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union it suddenly became very popular in the Russian discussion of the early 90's. Even prominent politicians have cultivated Eurasianist arguments in order to justify irredentist claims in the ex-Soviet 'near abroad'. The Eurasianists stress the 'Russianness' of their thought. However, the revival of Eurasianism can more adequately be seen in the context of world-wide actualization of geopolitical patterns of thought, which reflects the decline of universalist ideologies and the growing importance of 'locality'. As a consequence, the Eurasianists cannot provide ideological legitimacy for a universalistic expansion policy (as the Marxism-Leninism did for the Soviet Union), but they must opt for Russia confined to its geopolitically determinated boundaries. The Moscow politologist Alexandr Panarin has attempted to build up a more 'scientific' version of Eurasianism, which could serve as an ideological basis for a national rebirth of Russia. Panarin, who has expounded his theory in several articles and books in the 90's, strives to reshape Eurasianism into an 'organizing myth' for the society in the sense of Georges Sorel. In this respect he seems to come close to some proto-Fascist ideas of the first decades of this century.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Euroopan talous- ja rahaliitto, talouspolitiikka ja Suomi¤#¤Pekkarinen, Jukka¤#¤Talous & yhteiskunta¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤4¤#¤30-41¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Euroopan turvallisuus murtuu¤#¤Mannonen, Helena¤#¤Alumni¤#¤1995¤#¤7¤#¤6¤#¤14-15¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Euroopan unionin Välimeren-politiikan lujittaminen: ehdotuksia Euroopan unionin ja Välimeren maiden yhteistyökumppanuuden toteuttamiseksi¤#¤¤#¤Euroopan unionin tiedote : täydennysosa¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤31-44¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Euroopan unionin Välimeren-politiikan lujittaminen: Euroopan unionin ja Välimeren maiden yhteistyökumppanuuden perustaminen¤#¤¤#¤Euroopan unionin tiedote : täydennysosa¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤7-26¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Eurooppalainen identiteetti ja integraation syvenemisen edellytykset¤#¤Mikkeli, Heikki¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤4-10¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SB04, SG05, SG10, SG05.01¤#¤[Abstract:] The purpose of this article is to examine the possibility of a common European identity. What are the possible constitutients of this kind of identity, and is it possible - or necessary - to create it at all? However, the history of Europe indicates that the idea of an enemy (the Turks, Russians, Islam) has perhaps been the most successful cohesive force in the process of integration. The slogan of the European Union ('unity in diversity') has hitherto remained without any practical applications. Thus the question remains whether it is possible to maintain the idea of a federal union where all the different national identities are represented as well. At the end of the article the proposal is examined where the political identity (so-called 'European citizenship') is separated from different national and cultural identities.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Helsingin Sanomat pitää pääkirjoituksia kunniassa¤#¤Linnanahde, Matti¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤12-19¤#¤19951228¤#¤SG06, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Helsingin yliopiston historian professori Matti Klinge on vallalle lojaali akateeminen ylimys¤#¤¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤2-4¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Hornetien vastakaupat täyttyvät nopeasti - laatu jää tutkimatta¤#¤Hiilamo, Heikki¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤22-26¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ikuiset viholliset? : Turkin ja Kreikan suhteet saarikiistan varjossa.¤#¤Kuismin, Heikki¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤1¤#¤36-42¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤[Abstract:] The relations between Turkey and Greece are overshadowed by historical atrocities, maltreatment of Turkish and Greek minorities and different religions, norms and beliefs - not to mention the three crises (1958,1964 and 1974) of Cyprus. The bilateral relations deteriorated in December 1995, when a conflict the islet of Imia broke out. Several international bi- and multilateral treaties concerning the status of the islet Imia have been concluded since the late 1910's. As for the treaties, one cannot find anything in them that would support the Turkish claim on the islet. Italy and Turkey had concluded in 1932 a convention to settle a difference which had arisen concerning the interpretation of the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923, by which Turkey had ceded the Dodecanese islands to Italy. Also, on the occasion of the signature of this convention the two parties exchanged letters foreseeing the signature of a supplementary agreement concerning the delimitation of the remaining maritime frontier separating the Dodecanese islands from Turkey. Another agreement was signed in 1932, fixing 37 pairs of reference points, one belonging to either party, at an equal distance from which the maritime boundary would be traced. Point 30 states explicitly that the Imia rocks belong to Italy while the island of Kato belongs to Turkey. These two would also serve as reference points from which the median line fixing the maritime boundary between the two countries would be traced. The 1932 convention was duly ratified by both parties. Thus, Turkey recognized that Imia belonged to Italy. The islands, Imia included, were ceded subsequently to Greece by virtue of the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947. We can readily say that the legal status of Imia is clear and the Turkish government should not refer to the rebus sic stantibus principle.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Impivaarasta tuontiliikkeeksi? : kulttuurinen näkökulma vuorovaikutusprosesseihin¤#¤Virtanen, Keijo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤13-19¤#¤¤#¤SB02, RA03.01, SB01, SE05, SE, SA02, SG10¤#¤[Abstract:] This article concentrates on present-day developments and discussion regarding national identity in relation to international/global processes. The perspective is historical, and the main interest focuses on the dichotomy between Finland and the rest of Europe. /// Finland has traditionally been a very homogeneous nation ethnically - and still is, even though the foreign population has grown steadlily in the 1990s. /// Finns have been in contact with other Europeans since the Middle Ages: learned people and ministers studied in Paris, Prague and German universities, farmers took innovations from Sweden, the Baltic area and Russia. The first univeristy was founded in Turku in 1640. Even during the National Awakening, in the 19th century, connections to Europe and the other side of the Atlantic were strong because of better transportation, emigration and return migration, the translation of literature etc. /// On the other hand, the 'Finnish national character' outlined by authors like J.L.Runeberg, J.VSnellman and Zacharias Topelius has lived on. Only after Finland became a modern industrial and urban society, in the 1960s, have these features associated with rural life, individualism, seriousness and 'sisu' been put into question. Is the mentality of the Finns now more European or more cosmopolitan than before? This question can be answered only through research.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Indonesia - Ruandan vai Japanin jäljillä¤#¤Kivimäki, Timo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤4¤#¤4-13¤#¤¤#¤RI02.12, SF06¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Inflaatio kuriin hinnalla millä hyvänsä : keskuspankki laman pitkittäjänä¤#¤Marttila, Jouko¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤36-37¤#¤19951228¤#¤RA03.01, SH02.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Islamistien verkosto kattaa lähes koko Euroopan¤#¤Juntunen, Marko¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤42-43¤#¤19951228¤#¤RA2, SG09¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Itsenäisyys ja Ellun kanat¤#¤Minkkinen, Maija¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤4¤#¤19951228¤#¤SG05.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Itseään merkittävämpi Kaliningrad : Venäjän Itämeren enklaavi¤#¤Joenniemi, Pertti¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤85-92¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, SF08, (RA01.01), (SB01)¤#¤[Abstract:] Kaliningrad - a small Russian enclave surrounded by Lithuania and Poland - has over the recent years gained a prominent position on the joint EU/Russian agenda. It is cut off from the Russian mainland by foreign states. This factor has had - and continues to have - a significant effect that exacerbates various political, economic, security-related and, not the least, psychological challenges. These issues, serious in themselves, have been compounded by the fact that the Oblast is at the crossroads of Russia and the European Union. It is influenced by the policies of both, but the region's location also implies that it is at the watershed of various modes of thinking about the new Europe. It is a site that is both 'in' and 'out'. In the dialogue that has ensued, Russia has tabled a number of proposals - including the turning of Kaliningrad into a joint pilot region - that point to a new kind of thinking about security, borders and political space more generally. This has spurred some debate, particularly in the context of EU's Northern Dimension initiative, albeit no concrete breakthroughs. The debate is bound to continue and solutions have to be devised based on a post-sovereign logic, one that allows for de-bordering, the addressing of various 'soft' security issues and pertains to opening rather than closure.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Jalkaväen upseereiden peruskoulutus: tuloksena tavallisia jalkaväen upseereita, ei ihmeidentekijöitä¤#¤Saressalo, Jussi¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤46-49¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Jugoslavian kriisin taustoja¤#¤Mielonen, Timo¤#¤Ihmisoikeusraportti¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤4-9¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Jätebisnes kukoistaa yhä¤#¤Vahtera, Antti¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤18-21¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kaakkois-Aasian turvallisuuspolitiikan uudet näköalat¤#¤Männistö, Esko¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤4¤#¤32-39¤#¤¤#¤SC01, RI02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kadonneen valuutan metsästys : Euroopan rahaliitto ja Suomen reaalitalouden ehdot¤#¤Rehn, Olli¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤2¤#¤38-41¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, RA03.01, SD01.02, SD02.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kaikuja valtamerentakaisesta keskustelusta¤#¤Kalliokoski, Matti¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤214-216¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kaitseliit on Viron vapaaehtoinen alueellinen puolustus¤#¤Nordberg, Erkki¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤12¤#¤30-33, 48¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kaksi vuosikymmentä Iranin islamilaista ulkopolitiikkaa¤#¤Pirseyedi, Bobi¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤71-84¤#¤¤#¤SB02, SG09, RG04.02, SG05.01¤#¤[Abstract:] The foreign policy of Iran after the revolution (1979) cannot be fully understood without taking into account its ideological dimension. Ideological aspects have defined, directed and justified the foreign policy decision-making of the religious elites, and the influence of the decision-makers who emphasize ideological goals is still strong. In the 1990's, the radicals (who stress ideology) have lost ground to the pragmatists who regard improvement in Iran's international position as the most important goal. In the final analysis, however both the radicals and pragmatists aim at securing the achievements of the Islamic revolution and the vitality of the Islamic order.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kaksintaistelu : Pitäisikö Suomen harkita kauppapakotteita Kiinaa vastaan? Kyllä : Ei¤#¤Anttila, Ulla : Salolainen, Pertti¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤1¤#¤44¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kaksintaistelu : Voiko Suomi siirtyä vapaaehtoiseen asepalvelukseen? Ei¤#¤Nordbeg, Erkki¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤2¤#¤32-33¤#¤¤#¤SC06.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kaksintaistelu : Voiko Suomi siirtyä vapaaehtoiseen asepalvelukseen? Kyllä.¤#¤Nokkala, Arto¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤2¤#¤32-33¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SC06.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kansainvälinen puolustuspoliittinen yhteistoiminta : kasvava toimiala puolustusvoimissa¤#¤Norkola, Kari¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤12-13¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kansainvälisen yhteisön vaikutus Venäjän Tshetshenian-politiikkaan: kolme tulkintaa¤#¤Pursiainen, Christer¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤86-95¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, SF06, SF08, SG02.03, SC01, SK02, SB05¤#¤[Abstract:] Why does Russia in Chechnya violate international conventions concerning the protection of civilians, which she has voluntarily signed? And why has Russia during the latest war opposed the involvement of the international community in the conflict resolution and monitoring of the crisis, although she accepted the participation of the OSCE Assistance Croup in conflict resolution during the previous war in Chechnya? The article discusses these questions through three mainstream approaches of contemporary international relations theory. The realist viewpoint leads to a static and pessimistic interpretation. If Russia cannot be forced physically or by other means, she follows her perceived self-interest even if it contradicts the international norms and rules. In the present power political situation Russia feels that any international monitoring not only restricts her autonomy of decision, but also can initiate a deeper international involvement in Northern Caucasus. Another main school of thought, institutionalism, argues similarly that power has not lost its meaning in international politics or in the efforts to create international co-operation, since states are always calculating costs and benefits of their behaviour. At present, Russia apparently sees the uncooperative line as bringing more benefits than costs. Institutionalism emphasises, however, that especially international institutions and the mechanisms created within their frames are essential in creating lasting co-operation and in helping to overcome the thresholds in difficult cases of co-operation. The present unwillingness of Russia to co-operate is therefore only a challenge for the existing institutions to develop more effective mechanisms that would enable co-operation also in cases like Chechnya. Constructivism, in turn, tells us that practice itself normalises state behaviour. In the best case, this might lead to growing co-operation between Russia and the international community also in Russian internal security crises. The fact that this does not seem to take place at present does not give reason to permanent pessimism, however, but encourages one to pay more attention to the role of shared values and identities as a precondition of genuine and lasting co-operation. The international community should more actively look for means and instruments with the help of which Russia would be brought closer to the contemporary European value system and identity.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kansalaisjärjestöille katto-organisaatio : Maan ystävät perusteilla¤#¤Mustavuori, Jaana-Mirjam¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤22-24¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kansalaistoimintaa kasvihuoneessa¤#¤Peltonen, Lasse & Laine, Markus¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤18-19¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kansallisen turvallisuuden nimissä : Yhdysvaltain ohjuspuolustusjärjestelmä haastaa ABM-sopimuksen¤#¤Hämäläinen, Kimmo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤18-26¤#¤¤#¤RC02, SC02, SC04, SC06.02, SI03.05, SL, SC03¤#¤[Abstract:] Since 1999, the United States has considerably increased its financing of a national missile defense system (NMD). As such, the program creates pressure toward a modification or a renewal of the original Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM), signed in 1972. The U.S. system seems to be in a violation of articles one, three, five, six, and nine of the Treaty. Both Russia and the People's Republic of China strongly object to the intended NMD deployment even though the United States has implied that it might even be possible for it to withdraw unilaterally from the Treaty. / In spite of a Russian counter proposal of a European missile defense system, the United States nevertheless intends to deploy its own original NMD version. It is obvious that some kind of ABM modification is needed, but history has showed that these types of arms limitation treaties, regarded as cornerstones of global strategic stability, tend to survive even if treaty violations occur as such. In addition, the United States must solve huge technical difficulties before it can deploy a NMD system with a sufficient cover of its soil, which will not occur until the end of this decade at the earliest.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kansan valitsema, kansan unohtama : Euroopan parlamentti eurobarometrin valossa¤#¤Raunio, Tapio : Wiberg, Matti¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤1¤#¤20-29¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01¤#¤[Abstract:] The article analyses the awareness and knowledge of the European Union's citizens regarding the European Parliament (EP), the only directly elected EU institution. First the significance of public opinion for EU governance and the current role of the EP are discussed. The article is mainly based on public opinion data from the Eurobarometer surveys. Three dimensions are analysed: 1) turnout in European elections, 2) citizens' awareness and knowledge of the EP and 3) citizens' opinion on the future role of the Parliament. More than 50% of the respondents see that the EP has an important role in EU decision-making. A majority of those interviewed would like to further increase the EP's powers. However, only half of the respondents stated that they recently had not read or heard anything about the EP. Also the turnout in European elections has been disappointing. More detailed questions probing citizens' knowledge of the EP reveal that the electorate does not understand the EP's sphere power or the EP's internal organization. The EP has remained remote in the eyes of the EU citizens. Direct elections were expected to bring the EP (and EU) closer to the citizens. However, this has not happened. But how to increase citizens' awareness of EP? This is no easy task considering peoples' generally low level of interest in politics. Awareness of the EP thus reflects citizens' attitude towards the whole integration process: people are fairly supportive of integration, but this support manifests itself neither in active participation in EP elections nor in interest in EU politics. Elections to the EP are held every five years, and the first European elections in Finland wifi take place in October 1996. The article ends with a discussion on prospects for developing a closer relationship between the citizens and the EP. Can political parties contribute to bringing the EP closer to the electorate?¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kansanäänestys osana demokraattista päätöksentekoa¤#¤Setälä, Maija & Holm, Fredrik¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤270-278¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Keskusta hakee oppositiossa uutta jalansijaa ja roolia : maatalouden linnaleiristä yrityspuolueeksi?¤#¤Kolanen, Risto¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤26-31¤#¤19951228¤#¤SF03, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kohti vasemmistohallitusta Italiassa?¤#¤Hynynen, Pertti (haast.) & Fassino, Piero¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤42-46¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kollektiivinen identiteetin muodostus ja toiseus kansainvälisten suhteiden teoriassa¤#¤Neumann, Iver B.¤#¤Kosmopolis¤#¤1995¤#¤25¤#¤4¤#¤5-22¤#¤19951229¤#¤SB01, SK02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kollektiivinen päätöksenteko ja valtiontalouden epätasapaino¤#¤Tuomela, Raimo & Airo, Jouni¤#¤Kanava¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤7¤#¤402-406¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kolmen rintaman samanlaiset johtamistaidolliset ongelmat¤#¤Siltala, Heikki¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤11¤#¤28-33¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kulttuuri kaupungissa¤#¤Hopsu, Janne¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤28-30¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Kulttuurien kohtaaminen: konfliktia vai yhteenkietoutumista?¤#¤Harle, Vilho¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤192-198¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Käännetty järjestelmä saisi sen aikaan: sodan ajan joukko koossa reserviin¤#¤Olanterä, Martti¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤30-32¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Laatujärjestlmä ilmanlaadun mittauksiin - Nesteen ympäristölaboratorion kokemuksia¤#¤Kinnunen, Jouko & Teittinen, Jukka¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤5¤#¤24-26¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Latinalainen Amerikka on laiminlyöty suurmarkkina¤#¤Keitele, Jukka¤#¤Kauppapolitiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤20-23¤#¤19951109¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Liittoutumat eivät auta - olemme edelleen Itämeren takana¤#¤Visuri, Pekka¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤8-10¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Luonnonvarojen käyttö ja talouskasvu¤#¤Mäenpää, Ilmo¤#¤Kansantaloudellinen aikakauskirja¤#¤1995¤#¤91¤#¤3¤#¤379-393¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Löytyykö sotilasvalalle vaihtoehtoja?¤#¤¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤6-11¤#¤19951228¤#¤SC06.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Maailman ja menneisyyden hallintaa karttakuvin¤#¤Kosonen, Katariina¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤40-47¤#¤¤#¤SA02, SB, SB01, SJ01¤#¤[Abstract:] People have always used maps to construct certain images and realities. In spite of their rather scientific and 'objective' image - or rather because of that - they have been perfect tools for policy-making and exercise of power. During the Middle Ages, maps portrayed a world view based on religion and the significance of places. After that, colonial powers based their claims on land largely on scientifically made maps. In the same spirit, the new nation states manifested their territoriality and boundaries with cartographical practices. After the propaganda maps of the Second World War, geopolitical maps showed the divided, bipolar world, and since 1989 maps have made us familiar with the gradual fall of the Eastern block and the rise of the European Union.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Maakatsaus (Jordania ja Israel) : kun veljekset sovinnossa asuvat¤#¤Keitele, Jukka¤#¤Kauppapolitiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤16-19¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Maavoimat tekniikan kourissa : olemmeko sen herroja vai orjia¤#¤Lappi, Ahti¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤11¤#¤8-12¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Mahtava havittelija on myös hyväntekijä [George Soros]¤#¤Bergqvist, Jaakko¤#¤Kauppapolitiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤14-15¤#¤19951229¤#¤SD01.02, SD03.02, RA07, SA04¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Maksurästit Venäjän transitiontaloudessa¤#¤Hirvensalo, Inkeri¤#¤Idäntalouksien katsauksia¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤7¤#¤43-72¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Martti Ahtisaari, globaali rationalisti¤#¤Harle, Vilho¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤4-22¤#¤¤#¤SB02, RA03.01, SK02¤#¤[Abstract:] Two major achievements were concluded during Martti Ahtisaari's presidential term (March 1, 1994 - February 29, 2000): the Constitution was changed in order to minimize President's power in domestic affairs, and Finland joined the European Union. In addition, the paper claims, Ahtisaari's political ideas and programme must not be ignored as the Finnish mass media has incorrectly done. A systematic analysis of Ahtisaari's speeches reveals that Ahtisaari supports the idea of international society in the sense suggested both by Immanuel Kant and the English School of International Relations. On the basis of his Kantian rationalism, Ahtisaari prefers the use of rational thought to the peaceful and cooperative solution of conflicts and other problems. For Ahtisaari, the Enlightened and rational person is able to solve all problems. While this idea appears in all the three major levels of Ahtisaari's analysis and politics - Finland, Europe, and the global society - Ahtisaari simultaneously speaks strongly for European values of democracy, freedom etc. Therefore, Ahtisaari suggests a strongly Euro-centric view according to which the European Union and the United States, which share the same values, should lead the world into a better future of rational global society. This claim may be in conflict with the idea of the undivided international society, but is not unusual among Finns and other West-Europeans.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Marxilaisuus ja konservatismi - vastapoolit vailla kompromissia¤#¤Suvanto, Pekka¤#¤Historiallinen aikakauskirja¤#¤1995¤#¤93¤#¤3¤#¤207-211¤#¤19951122¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Media, ulkopolitiikka ja kansalaismielipide Yhdysvalloissa¤#¤Mäkelä, Jarmo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤83-90¤#¤¤#¤RC02, SB02, SB01, SG06, SG05.02, (RA03.01)¤#¤[Abstract:] Media has a central role in the formation of public opinion in the United States, like in other western democracies. Media powerfully directs the citizens' political views, and even their voting behavior, as has been quite evident in this year's presidential elections. The article explores the mechanisms through which the media molds the opinions of the general public on matters of foreign policy in particular. The author takes a look at, among other things, the importance of opinion polls and the elite's role in this process. At the end of the article, he briefly looks at how the American public's views of Finland are being constructed.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Menestyksekäs boikotti pakotti Nestlen toimiin¤#¤Isomäki, Risto¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤10-11¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Menneisyydenhallinta suomalaisessa historiankirjoituksessa¤#¤Ylikangas, Heikki¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤6-10¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SA02, SF06.01, SG10, SK04, SC05, SB02¤#¤[Abstract:] The concept of 'dealing with the past' (die Bewältigung der Vergangenheit in German) is connected to those important periods of history of which we have controversial information. Research dealing with these hstorical periods often faces opposition, because it can lead to an unveiling of uncomfortable truths. This article deals with the Finnish Civil War (1918), the Second Worid War, and 'Finlandization'. Regarding the Civil War there were prospects for better understanding of the past only after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Earlier, there was the scary possibility that the Finnish extreme left and the Soviet Union leaders might co-operate in the case of a serious crisis. In respect of the Second World war, the past has been successfully dealt with only when it comes to the beginning of the Continuation War. The understanding of the Winter War still depends on contemporary memoirs. The end of the Continuation War is especially difficult. Regarding 'Finlandization', it is onlv now that there have been serious attempts to address the past: the research is still on an initial phase, produces controversial results and attracts fierce opposition. It is noted at the end of the article that the past needs to be dealt with in order to strengthen the internal capacity of the community. The better this is done, the easier it is for the commuhity to face new, serious crisis.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Merivalta nousee maihin? : havaintoja Ison-Britannian EU-politiikan muuttuvista perustekijöistä¤#¤Taalas, Janne & Salovaara, Jukka¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤20-25¤#¤¤#¤RA04.03, (RA01.01), SB02, SB01¤#¤[Abstract:] In the past Britain's EU policy could be characterised as wait-and-see. This cautious EU policy can be explained by geopolitical, economic and ideological factors. However, these historical factors have faded and the structural foundations of Britain's EU policy are changing. Britain's active role in developing European Security and Defence Policy is a prime example of this change, but participation in the Euro will be the ultimate test of Britain's new EU policy.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Mexico Cityn sydänääniä¤#¤Rekola, Mirja¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤10-11¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Mihail Gorbatshov muistelee : sic transit gloria mundi¤#¤Iivonen, Jyrki¤#¤Kanava¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤7¤#¤413-417¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Miina on hyvä renki, mutta huono isäntä : valmiiksi tehtyä on pakko alkaa taas tutkia¤#¤Röyti, Jukka¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤11¤#¤60-61¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Miinat ovat vammauttaneet ja surmanneet satoja tuhansia : miinoilla käydään hämäräkauppaa niin kauan kuin tuotanto sallitaan¤#¤Lodenius, Laura¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤27-28¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Miksi ydinpelote ei enää pelota? : uudet ydinasestrategiat haastavat peloteopin¤#¤Salomaa, Markku¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤40-47¤#¤¤#¤RC02, RA07.21, SC02, SI03.05, SC04¤#¤[Abstract:] As the First Use Doctrine has become more common among the Nuclear Powers, at the same time nuclear deterrence has lost its credibility. In the military politics of the Nuclear Powers', deterrence and defense have been traditionally intertwined together as one. Mere possession of nuclear weapons seems to have displayed an adequate defense. / The reduction in the amount of nuclear arms is accompanied by a strategic paradox, as the Nuclear Powers have started to believe in the limited use of nuclear weapons. Russia, for example, due to its weakened conventional strategic power, has began to rely on its nuclear arsenal for a more central role in its strategies. According to Russia's new doctrine, it is possible, not only to use nuclear weapons as deterrence but also, if needed, to use them in any crisis or conflict situation. // Even though deterrence hasn't been needed in action since 1945, the quarrels over nuclear deterrence show that the deterrence doctrine has lost some of its credibility. Also the rise of new nuclear powers gives an impression that it is possible, in certain circumstances, that nuclear weapons may be used.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Mikä meitä vaivaa!¤#¤Arajärvi, Pentti¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤38-40¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Mikä on Euroopan talous- ja rahaliitto (EMU)¤#¤Allen, Tuovi¤#¤Talous & yhteiskunta¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤4¤#¤71-74¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Millainen on ekologisesti kestävä kaupunki?¤#¤Rytilä, Pekka¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤13-17¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Miten asiat riitelevät? : empiristisistä konstruktivistisiin aiheteorioihin konfliktien tutkimuksessa¤#¤Forsberg, Tuomas¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤199-208¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Mitä on eurooppalainen identiteetti?¤#¤Mikkeli, Heikki¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤13-16¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Murroksen aika¤#¤Hämäläinen, Timo J.¤#¤Kanava¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤9¤#¤533-538¤#¤19951205¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Mururoan monta sotaa¤#¤Rantanen, Tuomas¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤6-9¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Mutantit maailmanhyrrässä¤#¤Tervonen, Hannu¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤1¤#¤54-55¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Naisia varten paikat ovat jo valmiina¤#¤Lehto, Martti¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤54-57¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Nationalistit painostavat riippumattomia tiedotusvälineitä¤#¤Mielonen, Timo¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤41¤#¤19951228¤#¤RA08.21, SG06¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Naton laajeneminen on vastaveto Euroopan uusnationalismille¤#¤Salomaa, Markku¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤44-47¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SC02, SK02, (RA01.02), SG05.01, SG02.03¤#¤[Abstract:] The Finnish discussion around NATO has not brought a clear answer to the question on what grounds Finland believes that Europe's security will be divisible rather than indivisible. Although Finland's general aspirations for European security and stability have been stressed in the debate, in practice Finnish security policy has been anchored even more firmly than before in the concept of separate (and independent) defence. However, it is now even clearer that after the debate Finland cannot return to its former consensus on neutrality and independent_defence. Three different views have been dominant in the Finnish debate. The rationalists think of Europe as an indivisible entity, the security of which must be ensured by the cooperation of European states. The traditionalists believe, however, that with wise and cautious political moves Finland can stay out of trouble. Should Finland be engaged in a war, the traditionalists believe that Finland will be able to fight and eventualiy make peace without the direct involvement of the countries belonging to the EU or NATO, even though traditionalists count on some kind of direct or indirect help from the Western allies. And thirdly, the emotionalists believe that Finland should trust in nothing but its own forces. According to the emotionalists, Finland should not interfere with crises outside its borders but be silently prepared for the worst-case scenario. The political aspects of NATO's new structures have so far been largely neglected in the Finnish debate. However, the report on NATO expansion which was issued last autumn, complies with European needs and hopes in every respect. It can also hold back the rising trend of neo-nationalism in Europe.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Noam Chomsky: järjenvastaisuus leviää Yhdysvalloissa, totalitarismi maailmantaloudessa¤#¤Lausti, Tapani¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤32-33¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Nuorsuomalaisuus Suomen aatae- ja puoluehistoriassa¤#¤Kunttu, Tapani¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤209-213¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Näkemyksiä Brysselistä [Suomen apulaissotilasasiamies Belgiassa]¤#¤Räty, Arto¤#¤Kylkirauta¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤15-18¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Oikeusnormit ja kollektiivinen turvallisuus¤#¤Koskenniemi, Martti¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤163-180¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤[Abstract:] "Collective security has not enjoyed much success among theorists of the post-war order. The recent activation of the United Nations has, however, prompted many observers to speak of a return to the "original" security concept of the Charter. On the other hand, others havae claimed that the UN's reaction has seemed more reflective of the play of great-power interests thana genuine rebirth of collectivesecurity. Tha article argues that the traditional contrast between balance of pwer and collective security misconceives tha character of desision-making in matters of international security. Tha causal-empirical bias of international theory fails to account for the inevitable role legal norms and procedures paly in constituting what counts as "security" in the first place and in the debates over the justification of collective action in particular situations. George Kennan's characterization of international law as a "gentle civilizer of the pursuit on national self-interest" throws a welcome focus on the role of law as a culture of openness and accountability, much needed in the Security Council's daily activity."¤ ¤fin¤#¤Oletko valmis vannomaan?¤#¤Hiilamo, Heikki¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤5¤#¤19951228¤#¤SC06.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤On aika ryhtyä kouluttamaan taktista ajattelua¤#¤Kerttunen, Mika¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤12¤#¤26-29¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Onko HVK sittenkään tärkeä kokous?¤#¤Ekholm, Peter¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤22-25¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SF02, SB04, SD02.01¤#¤[Abstract:] The on-going IGC is loaded with great expectations, maybe too great. Several important prerequisites for its success may not be fulfilled in due time: e.g. the fate of the third base of EMU remains open beyond the time-schedule of the IGC, budgetary reform of the Union has not begun although it plays a central role in the future of the union, there are no clear decisions concerning enlargement (who? when?), and parliamentary elections lie in Germany and France, for example. Citizens seem to be hesitating and the leading politicians have to take into account 'the Danish syndrome'. The lack of clear visions is therefore understandable. At the same time it is unfortunate because many challenges which previously were endogenous (peace, competition, the free movement of capital, population growth and welfare) have become exogenous. It is possible that after technical improvements, all the difficult decisions will be postponed to the next IGC which begins after the prerequisites are fulfilled. That will give the economy a chance: when economic trends have been favourable, integration has also been favoured.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Onko Suomella kaupunkipolitiikkaa?¤#¤Hopsu, Janne¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤20-22¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Onnettomuus, kriisi, katastrofi -seminaari¤#¤Kaartinen, Maria¤#¤Historiallinen aikakauskirja¤#¤1995¤#¤93¤#¤3¤#¤212-217¤#¤19951122¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Otteita Eurooppa-neuvoston Essenin kokouksen puheenjohtajan päätelmistä¤#¤¤#¤Euroopan unionin tiedote : täydennysosa¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤27-30¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Otteita Eurooppa-neuvoston Cannesin kokouksen puheenjohtajan päätelmistä¤#¤¤#¤Euroopan unionin tiedote : täydennysosa¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤55-70¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ovet onnelaan sulkeutuvat¤#¤Åberg, Leena-Kaisa¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤32-36¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Palestiinalaisten täydet ihmisoikeudet vielä etäinen tavoite : rauhansopimus kohentanut Israelin ihmisoikeustilannetta¤#¤Mielonen, Timo¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤12-13¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Paniikki metrossa¤#¤Ämmälahti, Erja¤#¤Yliopisto¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤14¤#¤13-15¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Pehmein keinoin laajaan turvallisuuteen¤#¤Kivimäki, Timo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤37-40¤#¤¤#¤(RA03.01), SC01, SK02, SB05, SC02¤#¤[Abstract:] The narrow, defence-centered concept of security has been challenged, not only in theoretical analyses, but also in Finland's emerging security political doctrine as defined in the position paper issued by the government on June 6, 1995 as well as in Hjelm-Wallen's and Halonen's joint memorandum on a common foreign and security policy. This article attempts to analyse some of the bases of 'soft security' -oriented criticism of traditional western contingency-oriented defence thinking. Firstly, the objectivist conception of friend-enemy thinking in the traditional defence analysis is criticized, and secondly the fallacy of the separation of political values and the terms of peace from the promotion of peace is criticized. Thirdly the article criticizes the traditional status quo and order biases in security thinking and strategic language by referring to empirical evidence suggesting that order and the status quo have produced more violence in the 20th century than the lack of them. Finally, it is concluded that many of the failures in the application of soft security strategies can be explained by failures in the timing of peace-interventions.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Pehmoulkopolitiikan kova luu (Tarja Halonen)¤#¤Kolanen, Risto¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤20-21¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Periaatteet eivät ole kaupan¤#¤Siirala, Martti¤#¤Kanava¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤7¤#¤424-427¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Perustuslakiuudistus ja ulkopolitiikan johtaminen¤#¤Jyränki, Antero¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤32-39¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SK02, SF10, SF01, SB02, SF02¤#¤[Abstract:] The definition of the Finnish Foreign Policy leadership has undergone a series of changes during Finnish independence. In the beginning of the century, the main actor in the realm of foreign policy was the Prime Minister. Cradually foreign policy leadership moved to the hands of the President. During the war years, in the 1940's, when foreign policy increased in importance, it was considered necessary to focus the power of foreign policy decision-makig, and the role of the President was emphasized. From the 1960's onwards, it was the President's responsibility to secure a continuation of the prevalent line of policy concerning Finland's relations with its eastern neighbor. In the 1980's and 1990's, changes in the constitution reflected the end of the Kekkonen era. The new, 2000 constitution continues along their lines, although with a broader range.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Pienaseet alueellisena turvallisuusongelmana : tapaus Keski-Aasia¤#¤Pirseyedi, Bobi¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤59-69¤#¤¤#¤SC01, SF06, SC06.02, RA07.51, RG04.01, RA07.56¤#¤[Abstract:] Increasing international concern about the proliferation, accumulation and misuse of small arms has brought the issue of small arms to the current international arms control agenda. This article discusses the features and implications of the small arms problem in Central Asia, that is, the region composed of Afghanistan and the former Soviet Republics of Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. The Central Asian small arms problem has three distinct dimensions. Whereas in Afghanistan, small arms sustain a disastrous civil war, in Tajikistan small arms constitute an obstacle to the reconstruction of a society that only recently broke away from a five-year period of armed internal conflict. In Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan, the problem of small arms endangers political, social and economic development.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Pitäisikö EU:n päätöksenteon perustua täydelliseen avoimuuteen? (Kaksintaistelu)¤#¤Alm, Oili : Kemppinen, Reijo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤4¤#¤60-65¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SF02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Pohjoinen ulottuvuus Suomen EU-puheenjohtajakaudella¤#¤Haukkala, Hiski¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤53-60¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, RA03.01, SB01, RA07.21, RA03, RA02.12¤#¤[Abstract:] The Northern Dimension for the European Union's Policies has now existed for two years. Initiated by the Finnish PM Paavo Lipponen in September 1997, the initiative has gone through two phases: the rapid accession to the European agenda in the European Councils of Luxembourg and Vienna followed by the gradual diminishing of wider European interest. It seems that regardless of the arduous, especially Finnish diplomatic preparation, the initiative remains rather abstract and lacks concrete projects. The Northern Dimension has also become the victim of two Southern wars of Kosovo and Chechnya. As Kosovo isdraining the financial resources of the European Union, the recent events in Chechnya make the thought of further cooperation with Russia very unappealing for the Member States. The significance of the Northern Dimension does not, however, lie only in its possible effective implementation but it has wider meaning regardless of its current fate: The initiative can be seen either as a manifestation of the Finnish desire to 'customize the Union' or as a sympton of the emergence of a wider identity of 'northerness' in Europe.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Pohjoismainen ympäristömerkintä ja ilmansuojelu¤#¤Mattila, Hannu¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤4¤#¤7-8¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Poliittisella valheella on tusina jälkeä¤#¤Sarsila, Juhani¤#¤Alumni¤#¤1995¤#¤7¤#¤6¤#¤6-8¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Poliittiset vierailut 1960-1990 - ulkopolitiikkamme indikaattori?¤#¤Joas, Marko¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤1¤#¤58-64¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SB01, SB02¤#¤[Abstract:] Based on a database regularly updated by the Finnish Foreign Ministry this article examines the political visits from and to Finland from the early 60's to the turbulent years of the late 1980's. Visits on head-of-state and general ministerial level were examined and categorized according to the visited countries or visitors' home country. The article gives us a simple interpretation model of the interaction between Finland and other countries - divided in politically and geographically interesting groups. The model of interaction suggests that the most important foreign relations, during the whole period the Soviet Union and Sweden, were a primary concern for the president. The ministerial level can be divided also according to nominal or actual importance. The most active ministers have been the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Commerce and Industry, whose main areas of responsibility have been the relations towards Western Europe and other Nordic countries except Sweden. The Minister of Foreign Trade is the innovator in the ministerial group while opening new contacts with vested economic importance. Other ministers were forced to take the 'leftovers', i.e. contacts with developing countries and East European communist regimes that were considered less important than the Soviet Union.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Presidentinvaalit 2000¤#¤Pesonen, Pertti¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤23-31¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SK02, SF04.01¤#¤[Abstract:] The eleventh President of the Finnish Republic stepped into office on March 1, 2000. The second direct elections on January 16 and February 6 differed in many respects from those of 1994, beginning from that the candidates were very experienced politicians, which was not the case in 1993. Also, this time the first round separated very clearly the two candidates to continue in the second round. Several conclusions can be made from analyzing the election: The election showed once again the importance of the political parties in the campaigns. However the candidates tried to diminish the party link from early on, and emphasize their personalities, instead. Participation in the election was relatively high, unlike has been the trend ever since the 1980's. The 2000 election apparently paved the ground for a stronger presidency than had been the intention of the makers of the new constitution. Nevertheless, there is no need to expect any change in the prevailing line of foreign policy.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Punaista, vihreää vai harmaata? : "Berliinin tasavallan" ulkopolitiikka¤#¤Forsberg, Tuomas & Hakkarainen, Petri¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤4-18¤#¤¤#¤RA05.02, SB02¤#¤[Abstract:] Helmut Kohl's long era as leader of Germany ended in the elections of 1998. Together with the change of ruling generation and the transfer of the capital from Bonn to Berlin, the formation of a red-green coalition under Gerhard Schröder and Joschka Fischer seemed to mark a bigger change in German foreign policy than theunification in 1990. The new government promised continuity but it evoked fears of increasing egotism as well as green pacifism that would erode its relationship with its Western allies. During its first two years, continuity has prevailed. Neither red nor green ideology has given the foundation for German foreign policy. This continuity does not depend on the others' ability to control Germany or Germany's own feeling of certain historical responsibility. Rather, it is a result of the post-war lesson according to which foreign policy that is based on loyalty to western institutions and attempts to engage the east best serves its interests. Change has been more remarkable in style than content. Germany is not willing to pay for everything and it is ashamed of its Germanness. A number of disagreements apart, in crucial questions Germany has not been willing to challenge its partners. The language dispute during the Finnish presidency of the European Union also reflected the increased German will to guard its interests, but both countries wanted to bury the incident as soon as it was over.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Puolustusministeri Anneli Taina: puolustuskykymme on hyvä¤#¤Taina, Anneli¤#¤Kylkirauta¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤6-9¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Puolustuvoimien henkilöstöjärjestelmä vuosituhannen vaihteessa.¤#¤Lehtimäki, Pentti¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤24-28¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Päästömittausten laadunvarmennus - kehitystilanne Suomessa¤#¤Leskelä,Jukka¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤5¤#¤20-23¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Quebeciläinen haave suvereniteetista : itserakkautta vai demokratiaa¤#¤Sironen, Leija¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤32-33¤#¤19951228¤#¤RC01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Rabinin murha oli yllätys ja kipeä isku¤#¤Miettunen, Miika¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤25¤#¤19951228¤#¤RG02.15¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Rahoitukselliset ja teknologiset toimenpiteet yhteisöön kuulumattomien Välimeren alueiden ja maiden hyväksy: MEDA-budjettiotsikko¤#¤¤#¤Euroopan unionin tiedote : täydennysosa¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤45-54¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Rahoitussopimus heiluttaa Gattin perillistä: Yhdysvallat harppoo välimatkaa WTO:hon¤#¤Åsvik, Esko¤#¤Kauppapolitiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤14-16¤#¤19951109¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Raja vailla sopimusta : Viron ja Venäjän kiista odottaa ratkaisuaan¤#¤Raik, Kristi¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤93-104¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, SB01, RA07.12, SL¤#¤[Abstract:] After long, complicated negotiations, a border agreement between Russia and Estonia was initiated in March 1999, but Russian leadership still lacks the political will to sign the agreement. The border question has to be analysed in the context of wider foreign and security policy as well as the domestic political situation of both countries. Reflecting the difficulty of adapting to changes brought about by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian position in the border question has gone through many unexpected shifts, but has in general followed the ideas of traditional realist power politics and spheres of influence. Estonia started negotiations drawing on strict normative demands and symbolic values, but gradually turned to a policy of concessions in order to not let the border dispute hinder its integration with the West. It remains to be seen whether the EU will keep its promises to accept Estonia's EU membership regardless of the border question, or whether the agreement will be signed by Russia before EU enlargement to the Baltics.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Rajaton Kairo¤#¤Myllylä, Susanna¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤23-26¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ranska ja Suomi: läheiset mutta vieraat kumppanit¤#¤Lemola, Nonna¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤40-48¤#¤¤#¤RA04.06, RA03.01, SB01, (RA01.01), SB04, SB02, (SC02), (SF02)¤#¤[Abstract:] In the article, the author first examines the bilateral relationship of Finland and France. She then goes on to analyse the different and similar interests of the two countries in developing EU's common foreign and security policy and reforming EU institutions. There are no major problems in the relationship between Finland and France. A small issue has been a mutual ignorance of the culture and society of the other. Yet, increased contacts in the EU have improved this situation. Finland and France are both active EU-members but they do not always share a common way. Because of their different historical, cultural and geographical background, these countries have different interests in developing the EU in the future. Concerning the development of EU's common foreign and security policy, France would like to move on faster than Finland, even if the construction of a European army is in the interest of neither country. Finland puts more weight on civil crisis management than France and is more open to NATO and especially to the United States. In questions of the intergovemmental conference, concerning the reform of the commission and the decision-making process, big countries and small countries have different point of view. France feels that small countries have more power in the decision-making process and France wants to make the process more equal.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ranska tehnee ydinkokeensa Greenpeacesta välittämättä¤#¤Forss, Stefan & Anttila, Markku¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤11¤#¤14-21¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ranska virittää varustelukierrettä¤#¤Hiilamo, Heikki¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤4¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ranskan integraatiopolitiikka ja Euroopan unionin itälaajeneminen¤#¤Kiviniemi, Antero¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤26-39¤#¤¤#¤RA04.06, SB01, (RA01.01), (RA02.03), SB04¤#¤[Abstract:] The European Council has agreed to begin membership negotiations with a number of Eastern Central European countries. Albeit France participated in making this decision, the expansion of the EU does not necessarily contribute to the French goals regarding the future of Europe. However, the French have not openly protested the membership negotiations, but have instead maintained the identity of an advocate of European integration. The article explores the ideas behind France's EU-policy and analyses the reasons for its actions or non-actions in connection with the accession process.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Rauhan miehet ja kriisien koko kirjo¤#¤Liesinen, Kalle¤#¤Maanpuolustus¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤59¤#¤19-27¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Rauhanliike potee näivetystautia : ministeri Claes Andersson puheessaan YK:n aseidenriisuntaviikolla¤#¤Andersson, Claes¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤16-17¤#¤19951228¤#¤SC03 RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Riittääkö vilja?¤#¤Malinen, Pekka¤#¤Kanava¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤9¤#¤553-554¤#¤19951205¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Saako ministeri itkeä? : Arja Alhon nousu ja uhri politiikassa¤#¤Kolanen, Risto & Pajuvirta, Pekka¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤12-17¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Saksalaista historiatraumaa purkamassa : Stasi-arkistot entisen DDR:n pesänselvityksessä¤#¤Hakkarainen, Petri¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤25-32¤#¤¤#¤RA05.02, RA05.03, SK06, SA02, SG10, SF01.02¤#¤[Abstract:] As the century's last German dictatorship began to collapse ten years ago, public debates once again raised the question of how to deal with the past. To avoid the mistakes made after World War II, this time the past was to be confronted immediately. The opening of the archives of the Ministry for State Sectirity of the GDR, commonly linown as Stasi, is the internationally praised example of this new German approach. Although the Ministry was able to destroy part of its archives during the revolutionary events of autumn 1989, there still remain around 180 kilometres of files and dossiers on a total number of about 6 million people. The law on the Stasi archives, which was approved 14 months after the unification by the German Bundestag, is unprecedented in the field of Vergangenheitsbewältigung. For the first time in history, victims of a totalitarian system have been given the opportunity to find out what kind of information the secret police has been gathering about them. They have not been the only ones to gain from the new policy concerning history, the archives have also become a goldmine for journalists and scholars. Yet the heated discussions throughout this decade and the ongoing criticism against the so called Gauck Authority, which is administrating the Stasi archives, prove that this new method of confronting the past is not faultless, either. To some extent, Stasi has been used as a scapegoat for all the crimes of the Ulbricht-Honecker regime. In order to receive a more proportionate picture of the GDR, time is still needed. If the past is to be dealt with thoroughly, a decade's work is not enough.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Saksan ja Ranskan akselin uudet haasteet : kestääkö kumppanuus?¤#¤Visuri, Pekka¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤1¤#¤30-34¤#¤¤#¤RA05.02¤#¤[Abstract:] Germany's rapprochement with France during the 1950's was a practical component of Konrad Adenauer's policy towards the Western Alliance. The Elysee Treaty in 1963 with Charles de Gaulle completed that policy of cooperation. It also provided the basis for France in her withdrawal from NATO's integrated military command. President Jacques Chirac is now following the Gaullist tradition by emphasizing France's national interests in the European Union and keeping cooperation with Germany as a crucial element in that policy. France rejects all attempts to increase supranational decision-making in the EU and supports the idea of Europe which consists of different speeds and layers. The German-French axis is willing to build a coherent and effective centre of the EU. The centre should be a result of economic and monetary union as well as a common European defence. On the other hand, France is pragmatically approaching cooperation with NATO's military integral command, although she is still reluctant to accept American supremacy. Both Germany's and France's governments are at present confronted with economic and political troubles which make it difficult to foresee the efficiency of their cooperation in the decision-making of the EU.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Saksan mahti¤#¤Saarinen, Hannes¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤17-19¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Samankeskisten kehien Eurooppa¤#¤Väyrynen, Paavo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤70-76¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SB04, SF02¤#¤[Abstract:] The conflict between expansion and deepening has dominated the discussion on European unification for a while. Flexibility has been proposed as the key to a compromise. The author of this article proposes his own solution to the problem: an onion model, in which the EU would form the institutional framework within which the member countries would partake in the European cooperation in a varying amount.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sanasta ja sen vapaudesta Suomessa : lähihistoriallinen katsaus vastavuoroisen selänpesun valtakuntaan¤#¤Eskelinen, Heikki¤#¤Kanava¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤7¤#¤393-397¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sandzhakin ongelmat yhä ratkaisematta : Balkanin kriisi jatkuu¤#¤Laitila, Teuvo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤71-76¤#¤¤#¤RA08.26, SF06, SF08, SG09¤#¤[Abstract:] The slightly Muslim predominated area of Sandzhak on the Serbian-Montrenegrin border is Serbia's only passage via Montnegro to the Adriatic Sea. The area also connects Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Thus it is of great strategic importance to Serbia. Since the Yugoslavian disintegration in 1991, Muslim political leaders of Sandzhak have tried to use their position in negotiating more independence for the area. Serbia, on her part, has attempted to dominate the area politically, culturally, and in a military manner, while allowing its economics to develop. Therefore, contrary to many outside expectations that Sandzhak will become the next Balkan powder keg, the Muslims of the area have thus far opted for peaceful means of improving their position. The war in Kosovo in 1998-1999 and its aftermath effectively cut off the trade between Sandzhak and Kosovo, one of Sandzhak's main trading partners before the war. This, as well as the rise of the opposition in Serbia and the growing independence of Montenegro, have worsened the economic - and political - situation in Sandzhak, and some observers again believe that the area is on the brink of war. While not excluding this possibility, the author believes to be able to discern signs of a more peaceful future in Sandzhak, a future that is built on the old Balkan tradition of entering into alliances with our enemy's enemy' rather than resorting to rude violence.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Satunnaiset leikkaukset eivät pysty puolustukseen¤#¤Taina, Anneli¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤4-6¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sivarikoulutus etsii vertaistaan¤#¤Erkkilä, Matias¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤24¤#¤19951228¤#¤SC06.01, SG04, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sodan lait pelastavat: sopimukset säästävät enemmän henkiä kuin rikkomukset tuhoavat¤#¤Nieminen, Esko¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤18-21¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sopeutuminen, juurtuminen ja lojaliteetti - Suomen ulkopolitiikan kulmakivet¤#¤Pitkänen, Weijo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤2¤#¤24-31¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SB02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sotasaaliskeskustelu Saksan ja Venäjän suhteissa¤#¤Elo, Kimmo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤33-39¤#¤¤#¤RA05.02, RA07.21, SB01, SA02, SC05¤#¤[Abstract:] The Cultural Accords signed between Germany and the Soviet Union (1990) and later Germany and Russia (1992) have been the basis of the still on-going debate over the fate of the cultural war bounty seized by Soviet troops from Germany in the final stages of the Second World War. In the spring of 1996, the Russian State Duma voted and the Federal Council ratified a law declaring all war bounty Russian state property. President Yeltsin tried to veto the vote in his drive for the improvement of Russo-German relations, as the matter was very dear to Chancellor Kohl, but to the bewilderment of many German political figures he lost his cause. The discussion is marked with legal as well as political aspects, as the Germans tend to refer to the 1907 Hague Treaty on ground warfare in addition to the Cultural Accords, while the Russians are inclined to interpret the treaties/accords in a way that allows them to hold on to the disputed artefacts. As is common in debates over cultural issues, both parties' argumentations carry patriotic traits, and it is interesting to note that such a matter has become a subject of internal politics in both countries. The outcome of the dispute will certainly be a precedent in international law, but as the most important recent development has been the German government's plan to accredit a special representative to handle the Beutekunst issue, and the fuss over the topic has in general settled down with the advent of Chancellor Schröder, a final solution is far from being reached as to the fate of warbounty.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sotilaan puhetta¤#¤Rogatchi, Inna¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤12¤#¤8-14¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sotilaslaitos ei enää siirry pelkällä käskyllä : siirto koettelee henkilöstöä¤#¤Rapila, Pekka¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤50-52¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sudanin suuret suunnitelmat¤#¤Juntunen, Marko¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤29-31¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Suklaaparatiisi¤#¤Tervonen, Hannu¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤4¤#¤58-59¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SF02, SB04¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Suomen oltava aktiivinen EU:n kehitysmaasuhteissa¤#¤Luoto, Jari¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤29-31¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Suomen panssarijoukot - maavoimien vuosikymmenen merkittävin saavutus¤#¤Kokkonen, Kari¤#¤Suomen upseeri¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤17¤#¤34-38¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Suomen rauhanturvaaminen 1991-99: murros ja sopeutuminen¤#¤Aro, Miia¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤48-65¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SC08, SC06.01, SF06, SC05, SB05, (RM01), (RA01.02), RA08.24), (RA08.26)¤#¤[Abstract:] Finland has been an important contributor to peacekeeping since the first UN operation in Suez. The principles of traditional peacekeeping, impartiality and non-use of force except for self-defense, have been essential guidelines to Finns when practising peacekeeping. However, the appearance of completely new type of peacekeeping operations and actors in the 1990's has been causing some disturbance to this well-founded practise. Especially strong confusion surrounded the topics of peacekeeping, peace enforcement, Chapter VII operations and their relation to the Finnish Peacekeeping law. The new Peacekeeping alw was passed in 1995, prior to Finland's participation to the UFOR. According to the new law, the president has to take advice from the parliament before deciding about Finland's participation in a peacekeeping operation, which has wider than traditional authorities to use force. In the parliament's discussion strong fears were expressed on the nature of the operation and if Finland would now be involved in peace enforcement. Other comments saw the dangers involved, but insisted that the tasks of Finnish troops did not involve active use of force. The discussion was repeated in connection to decisions on participation to SFOR and KFOR, but this time with more experience from the on-going operations. Therefore, in the case of KFOR, the discussion in parliament underlined the nature of the concrete tasks that the Finnish troops have, and attempted less to define the exact nature and outcome of the operation. The article concludes that the perception of the Finland's role in the new type of peacekeeping operations is gradually finding its proper nature and balance both in the eyes of the Finns themselves, but also in the eyes of international partners, such as NATO operation planners.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Suomen turvallisuuden vaihtoehdot : liittoutuako vai ei - ja kenen kanssa?¤#¤Medvedev, Sergei¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤4¤#¤42-51¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SC02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Suomen YK-politiikan pitkät linjat : EU-maana YK:ssa¤#¤Vesa, Unto¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤18-28¤#¤¤#¤RM01, RA03.01, SB01, SB, SB05, SF01.02, (RA01.01)¤#¤[Abstract:] Finland has been a member of the UN for almost fifty years. The organization has formed an important arena of international politics for the country. The author of this article explores the consistancies and the changes of Finland's UN-policy, and examines whether the changes are connected to the country's membership in the EU. He also takes a closer look at some of the areas within the policy.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Suomen YK-politiikan synty ja sen muotoilijat¤#¤Soikkanen, Timo¤#¤Kanava¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤9¤#¤522-528¤#¤19951205¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Sveitsin puolueettomuus koetuksella : Liittoutumisen houkutus kasvaa¤#¤Sauer, Kai¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤4¤#¤52-56¤#¤¤#¤SB02, SC02, RA05.14¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Tahdottomasta reagoinnista aktiiviseen kriisinhallintaan : eikä enää yli siitä, mistä aita matalin¤#¤Lintula, Petri¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤11¤#¤54-58¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Taistelukentän pienen tehoyksikkö pitää saada 2000-luvulle 2000-luvun välinein¤#¤Röyti, Jukka¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤12¤#¤54-56¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Taktiikan opetus ja oppiminen : kadettien käsityksiä taktiikan opetuksesta ja arvioinnista¤#¤Riihimäki, Jari¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤11¤#¤22-27¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Talous- ja rahaliitosta Suomen kannalta¤#¤Tuomioja, Erkki¤#¤Talous & yhteiskunta¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤4¤#¤18-25¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤TAPRI's first year - in full vigour¤#¤Länsisalmi, Tuula¤#¤Alumni¤#¤1995¤#¤7¤#¤4¤#¤26¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Tartto ja talvisota¤#¤Manninen, Ohto¤#¤Historiallinen aikakauskirja¤#¤1995¤#¤93¤#¤3¤#¤193-194¤#¤19951122¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Tulevaisuuden vedenjakajalla¤#¤Malaska, Pentti¤#¤Kanava¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤7¤#¤389-392¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Tunnetut ydinkokeet maailmassa¤#¤¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤34-35¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Turvallisuus etsii rajojaan. Uusi maailmanjärjestys, vanhat varustukset?¤#¤Melender, Tommi¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤1¤#¤47-53¤#¤¤#¤SC, SC01, SK02¤#¤[Abstract:] During the years of the cold war security had a narrow and state-centric definition. Due to the primacy of the superpower conflict, the emphasis was on strategic and military issues. Nowadays military-centred notions are giving way to broader definitions of security. The late-modern Western societies have become risk-producing societies both internally and globally. This means that security is no longer the business of strategic experts. Military, economic and environmental security are interdependent. Security defined broadly means also a move from national security to individual and global security. Most threats are transnational and must be tackled transnationally, but at the same time the modern state system is still strong. States traditionally need discourse of danger to secure their identities. This leads often to antagonism with other states. The global security strategies, however, require peaceful and democratic competition, not violent confrontation, between states and identities.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Työväentalot tarvitsevat yhteistoimintaa¤#¤Tuomisto, Tero¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤20-24¤#¤19951228¤#¤SG05, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Tämä ei ole "mission impossible"¤#¤Rehn, Elisabeth¤#¤Maanpuolustus¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤59¤#¤2-6¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ulkoministeri Halonen: YK on ylin suojaverkko myös Euroopassa¤#¤Remes, Matti¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤3-5¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ulkoministeri Tarja Halonen näkee sateenkaaren värejä ulkopolitiikassakin¤#¤Kolanen, Risto¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤16-20¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Unohdettakoon rahaliitto, annetaan valuuttojen kilpailla¤#¤Bergqvist, Jaakko¤#¤Kauppapolitiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤24-25¤#¤19951229¤#¤SD01, SD01.02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Uudistuuko Euroopan Unioni? : johdannoksi¤#¤Nurminen, Pekka¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤3-4¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Uusi ulkopolitiikka hakee vielä muotoaan : yhteiskunnan militarisoituminen huolestuttaa tutkija Alpo Nokkalaa¤#¤Sipola, Simo¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤12-15¤#¤19951228¤#¤SB02, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Valmiuslaki antaa suuret toimivaltuudet¤#¤Myrsky, Matti¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤11¤#¤50-53¤#¤19951120¤#¤RA03.01, SC02, SF10¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Valtion suvereniteetti vs. yksilön oikeudet : Ulkopolitiikka-lehden kysely presidenttiehdokkaille¤#¤¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤85-97¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, SF04.01, SF01.02, SF01, RM01¤#¤[Abstract:] Presidentinvaalien lähestyessä Ulkopolitiikka-lehti pyysi presidenttiehdokkaita kommentoimaan valtion suvereniteetin ja yksilön oikeuksen välistä suhdetta. Ehdokkaille lähetettiin allaoleva sitaatti Kofi Annanin puheesta YK:n yleiskokoukselle ja seuraavat kysymykset: ...¤ ¤fin¤#¤Vankilasta vapautunut Muchtar Pakpaham: Indonesiaa uhkaa jugoslavisoituminen¤#¤Sysikaski, Kalle¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤28-29¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Vapaaehtoinen maanpuolustus kohti uusia haasteita¤#¤Ropo, Matti¤#¤Kylkirauta¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤6-11¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Vapaudu vastuusta - Vaasassa¤#¤Erkkilä, Matias¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤22-23¤#¤19951228¤#¤SC06.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Vasemmistoliitto etsii identiteettiä¤#¤Kolanen, Risto¤#¤Suunta 2000¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤5-11¤#¤19951228¤#¤SF03, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Venäjä ja EU:n vaihtoehdot : mystiikkaa vai faktoja? (kommentti)¤#¤Rautava, Jouko¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤2¤#¤17-19¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, RA01.01, SD04¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Venäjä on uusi Israel, valittu kansa ja kolmas Rooma. Eikä neljättä ole enää tuleva¤#¤Luukkanen, Arto¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤9¤#¤15-17¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Venäjä-asiantuntemuksemme on myytti : tavoitteena Venäjän yhteiskunnan, kulttuurin ja kielen parempi hallinta¤#¤Linna, Markku¤#¤Aikuiskasvatus¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤132-134¤#¤¤#¤RA03.01, RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Venäjän Eurooppa-politiikka ja vuosien 1995-96 vaalit¤#¤Medvedev, Sergei¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤2¤#¤4-16¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, SB01, SB02, SF04.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Venäjän IMF-vakautusohjelma 1995 ja Venäjän taloudellinen tilanne¤#¤Korhonen, Vesa¤#¤Idäntalouksien katsauksia¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤7¤#¤5-42¤#¤19951123¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Venäjän instrumentti kansallisen identiteetin lujittamiseksi : Tshetshenian operaatio m/2000¤#¤Forsström, Pentti¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤78-85¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, SF06, SF08, SG02.03, SG10, SC04¤#¤[Abstract:] Only three peaceful years went by since the Khasavjurt peace accord when the Northern Caucasus was in flames again. Russia thinks that she has been ignored in the resolution of the Balkan question, which gives her an external mandate for the use of military power. An other, internal mandate - the Caspian oil should also not be forgotten - was the separatist movement in Dagestan in August, which threatened the entity of the Russian Federation. In the beginning, the main objective of the so-called antiterrorist operation in Chechnya was really to form a 'suffocating' ring around Chechnya in order to get rid of the terrorists, but afterwards the bear became hungrier in seeking its food. On September 14th, Prime Minister Putin represented his plan for the operation, from which one can assume that Russia was determined to go much further than the previous time. The main differences between the operations of the years 1994-1996 and 1999-2000 are as follows: the object of the action is not the ethnic entity of the Chechens, a broader consensus on the justification for the operation is prevailing in Russia, information warfare is better conducted and used efficiently for Russia's purposes, the tactics used by the better motivated troops is planned and the military organisation is better prepared and Russia sees only one solution concerning the adversary; capitulation, which is one of the basic principles of warfare. Perhaps the main objective for Russia in the eyes of the world is to restore the credibility of the Russian military strength, especially when it comes to questions of crisis management on its own territory. Russians think that it is no longer acceptable that only the West has the right to use military power when necessary. Russia has both the will and the capability of decision-making - once again - to use military force in defending its national interests and achieving the political goals. The operation will give the important and needed boost for the armed forces' self-confidence and in increasing the respect towards the military. The most probable development in the future in the area is, that a sort of a guerrilla war is about to begin. This means that Russia has to deploy various kinds of troops in Chechnya in order to maintain the law and order also in the border areas.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Venäjän kauppa uuteen uskoon¤#¤Sierla, Antti¤#¤Kauppapolitiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤26¤#¤19951229¤#¤SD03.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Venäjän kehitys ja Euroopan unionin toimintavaihtoehdot¤#¤Patomäki, Heikki : Pursiainen, Christer : Heikka, Henrikki¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤1¤#¤11-18¤#¤¤#¤RA07.21, RA01.01, SB02, SB01¤#¤[Abstract:] How could the European Union influence Russian developments and foreign policy? Especially, what can the Chechnya crisis tell about the possibilities and problems in the relations between the EU and Russia? In order to shed some light on these questions, the researchers working at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs conducted a research project on EU-Russian relations for the Finnish Foreign Ministry. Heikki Patomäki analyses the principles and rules that the EU has followed in its actions towards Russia and discusses also their actualised and potential effects in Russia. He argues that although the EU is mostly seen as a very useful trading partner for Russia, there is typically a misunderstanding of the nature of the EU in Russia, stemming from the strict economics/politics separation that has been prevalent in Russia in the 1990's. This has prevented the EU from becoming an important political actor on the Russian scene, but has also guaranteed that there is a willingness to cooperate in Russia. The 'political' policy of the EU has been based on the promotion of Western liberalism in Russia and on the clear separation between friends and potential enemies in the Russian political scene. This teacher/student pattern is potentially a source of controversy on Russian politics and can be argued to be partially counterproductive. Pursiainen scrutinises the decision-making processes of the Russian state in the light of the crisis of Chechnya. Pursiainen studies the nature of Russia as an actor; the usefulness of the assumption of rationality in understanding Russian foreign policy; and the mechanisms of change in the Russian foreign-policy decision-making system. The study shows a flexible but in many ways also incoherent system of decision-making centred on President Yeltsin's personality and the Security Council of the Russian Federation. The international community, in its turn, was not only late in its reactions in the Chechnya crisis, but it was also incapable of putting real pressure on Russia. Except for the OSCE, the role of which has been all the time emphasized by the Russians, the foreign policy elite in practice refused to listen to the complaints of other actors in the international community. The situation was also complicated by the lack of coordination in the response of the main international organizations, the EU and the Western states. Pursiainen argues for earlier and more coordinated and imaginative responses by the EU and the international community to any similar crisis. The focus should be on the broad context of EU-Russian relations and Russian developments. Heikka studies the processes of Russian identity-construction in the course of the Chechnya crisis by utilising some lacanian ideas and by scrutinising the writings on the topic published in three different Russian newspapers. It seems that at least under the present conditions of a crisis, the Russian identity is relatively incapable of handling ambivalences and identity-constituting liminalities. Even 'liberal' Novoje Vremja showed tendencies of either total exclusion or absolutist assimilation of the Chechnyan (Dudajev-led) leadership and people, respectively. Furthermore, given the strict economics/politics distinction in Russia, and as the old-fashioned geopolitical logic plays an ever greater role in Russian political discourses, it is clear that the Union has to make its CFSP more effective and perhaps also start to develop its military capabilities in order to be recognised as a significant political actor in Russia.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Venäjän sotilaspolitiikka on tsaarinajan frunzelainen jatkumo¤#¤Salomaa, Markku¤#¤Sotilasaikakauslehti¤#¤1995¤#¤70¤#¤12¤#¤16-20¤#¤19951215¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Vietnam ja Kaakkois-Aasian alueellinen kehitys : ystävyyttä yli yhteiskuntajärjestyksen¤#¤Palmujoki, Eero¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤4¤#¤21-29¤#¤¤#¤RI02.23, RI02, SH01, RI02.02, SD01¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Viron menneisyydenhallinnan problematiikasta¤#¤Järä, Hanna¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1999¤#¤36¤#¤4¤#¤15-24¤#¤¤#¤RA07.12, (RA07.01), SF01.02, SG10, SA02, SG05, SK04¤#¤[Abstract:] In Estonia, profound political transformation has created a need for coming to terms with past human rights violations. The Estonian approach, however, has resulted in a variety of initiatives aiming at revealing the truth and redressing the past. Thus, until recently, there has been no notable official interest in a comprehensive unveiling of the past, and officially the desire to 'forget' about the past has prevailed. The Estonian approach, then, has been characterised by a politically ambiguous debate which has failed to develop a consistent policy. At present, however, the Estonian appiroach is in a state of flux, moving beyond the previous policy of compromise. I Estonia, this process is illustrated by the establishment of the International Commission for Investigation of Crimes against Humanity (Rahvusvaheline inimusevastaste kuritegude uurimise komisjon) to examine crimes against humanity. This initiative, introduced by president Lennart Meri in the summer of 1995, was the first major contribution to an official revealing of the past in Estonia. The strategy chosen in Estonia is a consequence of a variety of structtiral, political and historical aspects. The contributing factors in Estonian strategy have been mixed with a specific need for state-building.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Viron muisti pätkii¤#¤Zetterberg, Seppo¤#¤Tieteessä tapahtuu¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤8¤#¤3-4¤#¤19951204¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Voiko Euroopan unioni laajentua ilman joustavaa yhdentymistä?¤#¤Stubb, Alexander¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤1¤#¤61-69¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, SB04, SF02¤#¤[Abstract:] A European Union (EU) of 30 member states will require radical institutional change. The article argues that the Union cannot enlarge without increased flexibility, i.e. the possibility for some member states to pursue deeper integration without the participation of others. The current Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) is the last realistic chance to make the necessary changes to the flexibility provisions which were institutionalised in the Amsterdam Treaty. The key will be to change the decision-making mechanism which triggers flexibility and reduce the minimum number of member states required for enhanced cooperation. Flexibility should be seen as the second best solution after an increase in qualified majority voting. Flexibility reduces the threshold for enlargement. The differentiated arrangements surrounding Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and Schengen indicate that flexible integration functions as a magnet which attracts all member states to it in the long run.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Vuoden 1996 hallitusten välinen konferenssi [HVK], Euroopan unionin tulevaisuus ja pienen jäsenvaltion mahdollisuudet¤#¤Lipponen, Paavo¤#¤Talous & yhteiskunta¤#¤1995¤#¤23¤#¤4¤#¤3-8¤#¤19951218¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Väestökatastrofit - kuritusta vai koettelemusta¤#¤Jutikkala, Eino¤#¤Historiallinen aikakauskirja¤#¤1995¤#¤93¤#¤3¤#¤203-206¤#¤19951122¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ydinkoeprotesti avaa mahdollisuuden arvokeskusteluun¤#¤Sipola, Simo¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤8-10¤#¤19951106¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ydinsulku normina ennen ja nyt¤#¤Eskelinen, Anne¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤1996¤#¤33¤#¤3¤#¤64-68¤#¤¤#¤SC03, SL, SC01, SB03¤#¤[Abstract:] Viime vuonna jatkettu ydinsulkusopimus otettiin lisäyksineen vastaan ristiriitaisin tuntein. Vaikka sopimuksessa on puutteita, se antaa kuitenkin toiveita kansainvälisen yhteisön kyvystä ratkaista ydinaseisiin ja niiden leviämiseen liittyviä ongelmia. Suurvaltojen ideologisen vastakkainasettelun hälventyminen saattaa asettaa koko ydinpelotteen ylläpitämisen kyseenalaiseksi.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ydinsulkupolitiikka ahtaalla : ydinaseriisunta kylmän sodan ja globalisaation maailmassa¤#¤Eskelinen, Anne¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤27-39¤#¤¤#¤RC02, RA07.21, SC03, SL, SA02, SI03.05¤#¤[Abstract:] Even in the most confrontational periods of the Cold War, the great powers consciously protected nuclear nonproliferation from their confrontations in particular. Any progress in nuclear arms control that could pull superpower relations out of crisis was welcome. Today this is no longer a case. Nuclear arms control plays a visible role in great power politics, and rightly so, but progress on new treaties (e.g., the START-treaties, CTBT) is now a necessary condition for progress on other issues. On the other hand, the positive link between the strengthening of NPT and the nuclear disarmament is no longer as realistic goal of the great power policy as it had been during the 70`s. The United States, while still maintaining strong anti-proliferation view, seems to be gradually drifting away from traditional nonproliferation techniques, especially from stabilizing strategic nuclear disarmament. It apparently is moving toward heavier reliance on counter proliferation and protection of its own territory (e.g., de-ployment of NMD), and increasingly towards selective counter acts towards selective countries, while subjecting nonproliferation concerns to other policy considerations. Russia is losing its importance to the United States as a nonproliferation partner and in Russia's real list of political priorities nonproliferation has also slid down. Russia has put more emphasis on its military doctrine on nuclear deterrence, trying to intensify the modernization of nuclear weapons to prevent devaluation of its nuclear deterrence vis-a-vis the US. The continuation of the START process and the future status of NPT (according to the Article VI) seem to depend on the future of ABN/NMD solutions. / Globalization, with dramatically in-creased flows of goods, technology, informa-tion, and people, has, in principle, reduced obstacles confronting a proliferant country. As a result, nonproliferation strategies based on technology are becoming less effective. A more consistent approach will be needed to meet the challenges of the future. The place and the role of the United Nations, and especially the constraining role of the Security Council should be contemplated from a new perspective.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Yhdysvaltain kansallisen ohjuspuolustusjärjestelmän kehitys¤#¤Iivonen, Jyrki¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤4-17¤#¤¤#¤RC02, SC02, SC04, SC06.02, SI03.05, SB02¤#¤[Abstract:] A major decision the new American president will face is the schedule of building the National Missile Defense system (NMD). The development of this system, in spite of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, has been widely criticized in both the United States and elsewhere in the world. However, the American political elite unanimously agrees that the country is under such a serious missile threat that there is no alternative to the NMD. The result of the presidential elections will probably only effect speed of building the system and not its future existence. The article looks at the change of American defence policy as well as the background and objectives of the NMD. Finally, the author contemplates on the effects of the development of the NMD on American foreign policy.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Yhteensopivuus [Suomen puolustusvoimien] tavoitteeksi¤#¤Hägglund, Gustav¤#¤Maanpuolustus¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤59¤#¤10-14¤#¤19951201¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤YK etsii itseään : konfliktien estosta kollektiivisen turvallisuuden peruskivi?¤#¤Kanninen, Tapio¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤33-40¤#¤¤#¤RM01, SC01, SB05¤#¤[Abstract:] Secretary-General Kofi Annan opened the open debate of the Security Council on prevention of armed conflicts on 20 July 2000 and stressed the importance of conflict prevention in the 21st century. At the end of his speech he set up a new goal for the political activity of the Organization: 'We must make conflict prevention the cornerstone of the collective security in the 21st century. That will be not achieved by grand gestures, by short-term thinking. It requires us to change deeply grained attitudes.' What is the background for this ambitious goal and options for its fulfilment in the context of the present political situation in the world? Although Article 1 of Chapter I in the UN Charter gives justification for this goal, a question could be asked whether or not this vision is yet realistic at the present time when the national interests still dominate and easily take preference over more idealistic goals and programs. Would UN Member States, the Security Council and the Secretariat be ready to response to this challenge?¤ ¤fin¤#¤YK konfliktin jälkeisenä hallinnoijana¤#¤Korhonen, Outi¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤58-70¤#¤¤#¤RM01, SF08, SF06, RA08.26, RI02.32, (RI02.12)¤#¤[Abstract:] The UN was founded to tackle post-conflict problems in the widest conceivable sense. In recent years its activities as a post-conflict governing institution have, however, taken new shape and volume. The examples of UNMIK in Kosovo and UNTAET in East-Timor are considered in this article as two instances of what may be the dawn of a new era of international governance. It is, however, increasingly problematic that while UN officials deny any emerging blueprint for these forms of organized post-conflict governance, their everyday practices are immensely pervasive to the societies onto whom they are imposed and they challenge in fundamental ways the basic axioms of sovereign equality, democracy, transparency and self-determination - the very concepts they are set to secure. In the present article the author points out the compromises made by the UNMIK and the UNTAET in the short run to achieve transition to a better future in the long run. She describes the legal and political contexts and compares the two projects. She also points out which questions of international legal and political relevance need to be addressed in order for these governance experiments not to turn into international legal quasi-subjects resembling Frankenstein's creations rather than recovered old societies with their indigenous traditions and modes of existence.¤ ¤fin¤#¤YK muuttuvassa kansainvälisessä yhteisössä¤#¤Rusi, Alpo¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤4-13¤#¤¤#¤RM01, SB, SF02¤#¤[Abstract:] The United Nations has become a global UN-system which should be reformed. Many new regional and global arrangements have replaced the UN. The UN-system should find its 'new' place among these institutions. One of the main tasks is the institutionalisation of collective security on the basis of the UN Charter. The Security Council does not reflect the realities of today. The European Union should replace France and Great Britain as a permanent member of the Security Council.¤ ¤fin¤#¤YK-konferenssit - paljon puhetta, vähän villoja?¤#¤Berghäll, Outi¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤4-9¤#¤19951219¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤YK-reformi - retoriikkaa vai todellisuutta¤#¤Lahdensuo, Sami¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤71-83¤#¤¤#¤RM01, SF02¤#¤[Abstract:] Reforming the United Nations system is really not a new idea. Since the 1950's the system has undergone frequent management studies, policy and structural reviews, proposed, and sometimes even adopted, reforms. This article attempts to give a picture of what kind of proposals have been made and what are the issues that have been emphasized, especially in the economic and social fields of the UN activity. After a short historical review, the article argues that a real reforming of the United Nations requires a deeper analysis of the reasons for the dysfunctioning of the UN. For this purpose it should be asked where the origins of dysfunction are located and what kind of reasons, material or cultural, are behind these origins? And the other question that has to be clarified deals with the UN and the different dimensions and challenges (structural, political, normative, civil society questions etc.) presented by the ongoing processes of globalisation.¤ ¤fin¤#¤YK:n suuri kysymys: pakkokeinoin rauhaan?¤#¤Lindblom, Annika¤#¤Maailmanpyörä¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤8-12¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ympäristönsuojelijat ahtaalla Yhdysvalloissa¤#¤Vahtera, Antti¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤34-35¤#¤19951228¤#¤SJ02, RC02¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Ympäristövaikutusten arviointi osaksi linjaratkaisujen valmistelua¤#¤Valve, Helena¤#¤Ilmansuojelu-uutiset¤#¤1995¤#¤19¤#¤4¤#¤4-6¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fin¤#¤Zimbabwen kriisi : siirtomaaperinnön ja ehdollistamisen kallis hinta¤#¤Laakso, Liisa¤#¤Ulkopolitiikka¤#¤2000¤#¤37¤#¤2¤#¤81-95¤#¤¤#¤RF03.18, SH06.02, SF06, SF02, SG05¤#¤[Abstract:] For more than a decade the international community has been concerned with how to support good governance and human rights and how to democratise the political systems in developing countries. An important instrument in this policy has been the conditionality of aid. The experienc of Zimbabwe reveals the mixed results of conditionality. Cutting aid does not contribute to good governance. The more economic hardship erodes the popularity of the regime, the more important the militaristic inheritance of the liberation war becomes for the construction of its internal sovereignty. Corruption, in turn, can become necessary for the regime to keep the political elite united. In a situation where the regime is losing its popularity, conditionality reinforces the sovereignty of a repressive state instead of questioning it.¤ ¤fin¤#¤Äärihindut valtaan Intiassa?¤#¤Tamminen, Tapio¤#¤Ydin¤#¤1995¤#¤29¤#¤7/8¤#¤44-45¤#¤19951228¤#¤SG09, RI01.13¤#¤¤ ¤fre¤#¤"La politique exterieure et de security de l'Europe a l'horizon 2000: les voies et moyens d'une veritable credibilite" : extraits du deuxieme ...¤#¤¤#¤CFSP forum¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤5-6¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fre¤#¤L'Union europeene et le conflit en ex-Yougoslavie: les consequences pour l'avenir de la politique etrangere et de securite commune (PESC)¤#¤Stark, Hans¤#¤CFSP forum¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤3-4¤#¤19951227¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤fre¤#¤Parametres pour la stabilite en Europe¤#¤Poos, Jacques F.¤#¤Studia diplomatica¤#¤1995¤#¤48¤#¤4¤#¤3-20¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤50 Jahre nach Hiroshima: mit der Bombe leben?¤#¤Johannsen, Margret¤#¤Pädagogische Informationen zur Friedensforschung und Sicherheit¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6¤#¤1-8¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤[Editorial:] Perspektiven fur die Arbeit des Umweltbundesamtes¤#¤Troge, Andreas¤#¤Umwelt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤10¤#¤349-350¤#¤19951025¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤[Umweltpolitik:] Kodifikation des Umweltrechts : Kolloquium des Bundesumweltministeriums zum Umweltgesetzbuch¤#¤¤#¤Umwelt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤12¤#¤439-441¤#¤19951211¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤[Umweltpolitik:] Neuer wissenschaftlicher Bericht zum Klimaschutz - Zweiter umfassender Bericht des Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)¤#¤¤#¤Umwelt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤12¤#¤436-438¤#¤19951211¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤[Umweltpolitik:] Umwelt und Europa im Ostseeraum - informelles Umweltministertreffen am 23. August in Kiel¤#¤¤#¤Umwelt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤10¤#¤353-354¤#¤19951025¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤[Zur Diskussion gestellt:] Nochmals: Militärische Aspekte des Tschetschenien-Kriegs (Replik: Thomas Urban; Entgegnung: Franz Walter)¤#¤¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤11¤#¤1064-1066¤#¤19951208¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Arbeitslosigkeit und soziale Not : Sprengsätze fur die Europäische Union?¤#¤Picht, Robert¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤9¤#¤49-52¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Basic issues of German foreign policy¤#¤Verheugen, Gunter¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤259-267¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Braucht die gemeinsame Währung die Politische Union?¤#¤Bofinger, Peter¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤9¤#¤43-48¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Britain in Europe: an agenda for reform¤#¤Blair, Tony¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤268-272¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Chinas neues Machtbewusstsein : Herausforderungen fåur den Westen¤#¤Gu, Xuewu¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤10¤#¤9-15¤#¤19951027¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Chinas vision von einer neuen Weltordnung¤#¤Gu, Xuewu¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤255-258¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Das Jahr der Entscheidungen : Russland vor den Wahlen¤#¤Jawlinskij, Grigorij¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤3-8¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Das literarische Leben in Russland 1994¤#¤Kasper, Karlheinz¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤11¤#¤987-1003¤#¤19951208¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Das Tauziehen um die Spratly-Inseln¤#¤Makinda, Samuel M.¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤10¤#¤16-22¤#¤19951027¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Das unheilige Wechselspiel: östliche Modernisierung und westliche Theorie¤#¤Lee, Eun-Jeung¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤243-254¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Das Verbot besonders grausamer Waffen : Vorbereitungen zur uberpfufung des UN-Waffenabkommens¤#¤Gillessen, Gunther¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤8¤#¤47-52¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Der Europäische Gerichtshof: ein europäisches "Verfassungsgericht"?¤#¤Hitzel-Cassagnes, Tanja¤#¤Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte¤#¤2000¤#¤¤#¤B 52-53¤#¤22-30¤#¤2000108¤#¤RA01.01, SF01, SB04, SF10¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Der Handelsstreit zwischen Japan und den USA voreiner Lösung?¤#¤Courtis, Kenneth¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤10¤#¤41-46¤#¤19951027¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Der Kampf fur einen Atomteststopp¤#¤Walker, Paul F.¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤165-169¤#¤19950412¤#¤RQ¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Der Krieg in Tschetschenien - Bewertungen aus russisch-militärischer Sicht¤#¤¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤ 45¤#¤8¤#¤A 443-453¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Der schwierige Wegzur Verständigung : zur sudetendeutschen Frage in den deutsch - tschechischen Beziehungen nach 1989¤#¤Götze, Andreas¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤11¤#¤1034-1047¤#¤19951208¤#¤RA05.01, RA05.02, RA05.21, SG02.03¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Des ossetisch-inguschische Konflikt im Nordkaukasus : I. Ausbruch und Verlauf des kriegerischen Konflikts 1992¤#¤Tscherwonnaja, Swetlana¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤8¤#¤737-754¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Deutsch-polnische Umweltprobleme - Ansätze gemeinsamer Umweltpolitik?¤#¤Tempel, Sybille¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤8¤#¤755-768¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Deutsche Aussenpolitik muss berechenbar sein¤#¤Scharping, Rudolf¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤8¤#¤38-44¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Deutschland und Russland: eine schwierige, aber notwendige Partnershcaft¤#¤Timmermann, Heinz¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤357-367¤#¤19951108¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Deutschlands verflochtene Interessen¤#¤Senghaas, Dieter¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤8¤#¤31-37¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Angst Zentralasiens vor dem russischen Bären¤#¤Brown, Bess A.¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤51-56¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die aussenpolitische Debatte in Russland¤#¤Schulze, Peter W.¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤368-379¤#¤19951108¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Chancen fur eine Denuklearisierung des Nahen Ostens im Lichte des arabisch-israelischen Friedensprozesses¤#¤Johannsen, Margret¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤148-156¤#¤19950412¤#¤RG02¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Charta der Grundrechte der Europäischen Union : ein wichtiger Beitrag zur Legitimation der EU¤#¤Hohmann, Harald¤#¤Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte¤#¤2000¤#¤¤#¤B 52-53¤#¤5-12¤#¤2000108¤#¤RA01.01, SF01, SB04¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die EU-Volksabstimmungen in Österreich, Finnland, Schweden und Norwegen: Folgen fur die Europäische Union¤#¤Kaiser, Wolfram & Visuri, Pekka & Malmström, Cecilia & Hjelseth A¤#¤Integration¤#¤1995¤#¤18¤#¤2¤#¤76-87¤#¤¤#¤RA01.01, RA03.01¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Europa-Politik Frankreichs in der Ära Mitterrand¤#¤Muller-Brandeck-Bocquet, Gisela¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤349-357¤#¤19951113¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Europäische Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion¤#¤Knorr, Andreas¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤339-348¤#¤19951113¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Europäisierung des deutschen Föderalismus¤#¤Grosse Hutmann, Martin & Knodt, Michele¤#¤Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte¤#¤2000¤#¤¤#¤B 52-53¤#¤31-38¤#¤2000108¤#¤RA05.02, SF01, SF02¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die fragwurdige Sanktionspraxis der UNO¤#¤Conlon, Paul¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤327-338¤#¤19951113¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Kurdenfrage, der turkische Nationalismus und die Entdemokratisierung der turkischen Republik¤#¤Wedel, Heidi¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤300-316¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die mexikanischen Krise und ihre regionalen Auswirkungen¤#¤Faust, Jörg¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤394-404¤#¤19951113¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Rolle der Europäischen Union beim Aufbau Transeuropäischer Netze¤#¤Menges, Eva¤#¤Integration¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤245-252¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Streitkräfte als Faktor der russischen Politik¤#¤Fahrner, Andreas R.¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤31-38¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die unendliche Suche Russlands nach seiner historischen Bestimmung¤#¤Uhlig, Christiane¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤9¤#¤812-816¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Volkszählung 1994 in Makedonien : erste Ergebnisse¤#¤Buschenfeld, Herbert¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤8¤#¤769-776¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Die Zeit zum Handeln ist gekommen : Russland und die baltischen Staaten¤#¤Meri, Lennart¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤9-12¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Dokumente zue aussenpolitischen Entwicklung in Russland und der Gemeinschaft Unabhängiger Staaten (GUS)¤#¤¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤73-120¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Eine Charta der Grundrechte fur die Europäische Union¤#¤Schachtschneider, Karl Albrecht¤#¤Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte¤#¤2000¤#¤¤#¤B 52-53¤#¤13-21¤#¤2000108¤#¤RA01.01, SF01, SB04¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Eine europäische Sicherheitsidentität schaffen¤#¤Martin, Laurence¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤9¤#¤37-42¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Erinnerungen an die Bombe¤#¤Weizsäcker, Carl Friedrich von¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤216¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Europa denken¤#¤Ash, Timothy Garton¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤9¤#¤3-11¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Europa muss sich reformieren : Aufgaben der Regierungskonferenz 1996¤#¤Delors, Jacques¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤9¤#¤12-16¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Europas Zukunft klären : das vernebelte Profil der Reformdebatte¤#¤Weidenfeld, Werner¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤9¤#¤17-22¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Europäische Exportkontrolle - Fortschritt auf Raten¤#¤Sakellariou, Jannis & Enzmann, Johannes¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤189-198¤#¤19950412¤#¤RA01.01¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Fiasko auf dem Balkan¤#¤Krause, Joachim¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤8¤#¤45-46¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Forschungslandschaft europäische Integration: Bericht zur Fourth Biennial International Conference der ECSA-USA¤#¤Falkner, Gerda¤#¤Integration¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤236-244¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤Forty years of the Bundeswehr and NATO membership¤#¤Ruhe, Volker¤#¤Deutschland¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤10-13¤#¤19951115¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Gesellschaft im Wandel : gesellschaftspolitische prozesse in Osteuropa im Vergleich : Bericht uber die erweiterte Redaktionskonferenz 1995¤#¤König, Helmut¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤9¤#¤833-853¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Gewerkschaften und Politik in mittel- und ost-europäischen Ländern¤#¤Reutter, Werner¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤11¤#¤1048-1063¤#¤19951208¤#¤RA02.03¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Gunstige Aussichten fur die wirtschaftliche Transformation¤#¤Koerber, Eberhard v.¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤39-44¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Hongkong 1997 : Ausverkauf oder Modell?¤#¤Möller, Kay¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤10¤#¤29-35¤#¤19951027¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Hypothek der Vergangenheit : Belastungen der aussenpolitischen Handlungsfähigkeit¤#¤Greiffenhagen, Martin & Greiffenhagen, Sylvia¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤8¤#¤21-26¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Innen- und aussenpolitische Bedingungen des Systemwechsels in Ukraine und Belarus¤#¤Lindner, Rainer¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤365-375¤#¤19951113¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Institutionalizing Mediterranean relations: complementarity and competition¤#¤Aliboni, Roberto¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤290-299¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Israels Nuklearstrategie im Wandel¤#¤Schilling, Walter¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤319-326¤#¤19951113¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Kein politischer Fruhling in Belarus : das Scheitern der Parlamentswahlen im Mai 1995 und die Verselbständigungstendenzen der Exekutive¤#¤Sahm, Astrid¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤11¤#¤1021-1033¤#¤19951208¤#¤RA07.33¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Konflikte im Nordkaukasus: Osseten und Inguschen : II ohne klare politsiche Motive¤#¤Tscherwonnaja, Swetlana¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤9¤#¤825-832¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Konsenslinien und Spielmaterial - Vorschläge fur die Regierungskonferenz¤#¤Piepenschneider, Melanie¤#¤Integration¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤209-222¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Landminen: schleichende Massenvernichtungswaffen¤#¤Lackamp, Markus & Pfluger, Friedbert¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤184-188¤#¤19950412¤#¤RQ¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Lokale Finanzen und kommunale Selbstverwaltung in Russland¤#¤Mildner, Kirk¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤ 45¤#¤8¤#¤717-736¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Mazedonien als Brennpunkt der griechischen Balkan-Politik¤#¤Varvaroussis, Paris¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤358-364¤#¤19951113¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Menschenrechte und Aussenpolitik : soll die Moral die Aussenpolitik dominieren?¤#¤Schoppe, Waltraud¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤8¤#¤27-30¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Migrationsprobleme in der ehemaligen Sowjetunion : eine politische Herausforderung¤#¤Oudenaren, John Van¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤57-64¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Militärische Aspekte des Tschetschenien-Kriegs¤#¤Walter, Franz¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤8¤#¤691-708¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Neue Kraftprobe zwischen Peking und Taiwan¤#¤Kindermann, Gottfired-Karl¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤10¤#¤35-40¤#¤19951027¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Neuer Nationalismus in Europa¤#¤Butler, Hugo¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤9¤#¤57-62¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Neutralisierung von Atomwaffen: ein Vorschlag zur Reduzierung der politischen Bedeutung von Kernwaffen¤#¤Dean, Jonathan¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤170-175¤#¤19950412¤#¤RQ¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Nie wieder Krieg : Wege zum Frieden¤#¤Johannsen, Margret¤#¤Pädagogische Informationen zur Friedensforschung und Sicherheit¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤5¤#¤1-12¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Nonproliferation und Counterproliferation¤#¤Neuneck, Götz & Wallner, Jörg¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤141-148¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Nuklearfragen in Sudasien nach der Verlängerung des Nichtverbreitungsvertrags¤#¤Ischebeck, Otfried¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤156-161¤#¤19950412¤#¤RI01¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Osteuropa Archiv: Auf dem Weg dee Welt tobt der Krieg : zur Lagae in Tadshikistan¤#¤¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤ 45¤#¤8¤#¤A 461-467¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Osteuropa Archiv: Der ossetisch-inguschische Konflikt¤#¤¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤ 45¤#¤8¤#¤A 454-460¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Osteuropa Archiv: Durchdringung staatlicher Strukturen in Russland durch das Militär : offiziere werden in zivile Einrichtungen kommandiert¤#¤¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤ 45¤#¤8¤#¤A 477-483¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Osteuropa Archiv: Russland und die Ukraine brauceh einander ... ein Interview mit dem ukrainischen Präsidenten Leonid Kutschma¤#¤¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤ 45¤#¤8¤#¤A 486-489¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Osteuropa Archiv: Schwache lokale Selbstverwaltung in Russland¤#¤¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤ 45¤#¤8¤#¤A 484-485¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Osteuropa Archiv: Zusammenarbeit zwischen Kirche und Armee zur Festigung des Russischen Staates (6 Dokumente)¤#¤¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤ 45¤#¤8¤#¤A 468-476¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Perspektiven europäischer Nuklearkooperation¤#¤Kamp, Karl-Heinz¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤10¤#¤47-52¤#¤19951027¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Perspektiven fur dieRegierungskonferenz 1996 und die europapolitische Agenda¤#¤Hoyer, Werner¤#¤Integration¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤189-196¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Politische Emanzipation oder Zerfall? : Russlands Provinzen demonstrieren Selbstbewusstsein¤#¤Babst, Stefanie¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤25-30¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Reaktion des russischen Parlaments auf die Militärinvasion in Tschetschenien¤#¤Schneider, Eberhard¤#¤Aktuelle Analysen¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤35 [Apr]¤#¤kokonaan¤#¤¤#¤SF06, RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Realismus statt Vision : Bonn und Paris bleiben aufeinander angewiesen¤#¤Sauder, Axel¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤9¤#¤31-36¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Regierungskonferenz 1996 - zur Diskussion institutioneller Reformen¤#¤Falkner, Gerda & Nentwich, Michael¤#¤Integration¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤223-234¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Regionale und globale nukleare Rustungskontrolle un Abrustung: der Fall Sudasien¤#¤Shen, Dingli¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤161-165¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Roulette zwischen Zentrum und Regionen : Russlands asymmetrischer Föderalismus¤#¤Kirkow, Peter¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤11¤#¤1004-1020¤#¤19951208¤#¤RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Ruckkehr des Imperialismus Kaukasus?¤#¤Schilling, Walter¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤45-50¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Russland in der chinesischen Aussenpolitik der Nach-Konflikt-Zeit¤#¤Gu, Xuewu¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤9¤#¤803-811¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Russland und die Hauptmächte der asiatisch-pazifischen Region¤#¤Glaubitz, Joachim¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤9¤#¤787-802¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Russland und die OSZE¤#¤¤#¤Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Info¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤Juni-Okt¤#¤47¤#¤19951228¤#¤RA01.07, RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Russlands Hinwendung zu China¤#¤Fritsche, Klaus¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤376-383¤#¤19951113¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Russlands Politik der Nonproliferation¤#¤Schilling, Walter¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤8¤#¤709-716¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Stand und Perspektiven der internationalen Klimapolitik¤#¤Oberthur, Sebastian & Ott, Hermann¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤399-416¤#¤19951108¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Stärkung des Umweltschutzes in Europa¤#¤Merkel, Angela¤#¤Umwelt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤12¤#¤433-434¤#¤19951211¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤eng¤#¤The wealth of nations, the world market,a nd the modern rentier-state¤#¤Kamppeter, Werner¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤229-242¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Umwelt- und wirtschaftsverträgliche Energiepolitik fur den Standort Deutschland¤#¤¤#¤Umwelt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤12¤#¤Sonderteil¤#¤19951211¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Veränderte Machtkonstellation in Asien¤#¤Chee, Chan Heng¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤10¤#¤3-8¤#¤19951027¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Vietnam als kommender Wirtschaftsstandort¤#¤Weggel, Oskar¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤10¤#¤23-28¤#¤19951027¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Wandel in der Politik Japans und in dessen verhältnis zu China¤#¤Horlemann, Ralf¤#¤Aussenpolitik¤#¤1995¤#¤46¤#¤4¤#¤384-393¤#¤19951113¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Wege zur atomwaffenfreien Welt nach Verlängerung des Nichtverbreitungsvertrags¤#¤Liebert, Wolfgang¤#¤S+F¤#¤1995¤#¤13¤#¤3¤#¤176-183¤#¤19950412¤#¤RQ¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Weichenstellung fur Europa¤#¤Hoyer, Werner¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤9¤#¤23-30¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Weltrisikogesellschaft : zur politischen Dynamik globaler Gefahren¤#¤Beck, Ulrich¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤8¤#¤13-20¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Wiedererwachen imperialer Politik? : Russland und die GUS¤#¤Korowkin, Wladimir¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤19-24¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Zu sozialen "Polystilistik" Russlands¤#¤Fullsack, Manfred¤#¤Osteuropa¤#¤1995¤#¤45¤#¤9¤#¤817-824¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Zukunftsperspektive "Slawische Union" : ein Zusammenschluss von Ukraine, Veissrussland und Russland?¤#¤Rahr, Alexander¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤11¤#¤13-18¤#¤19950412¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Zur Reform der Normenhierarchie im Recht der Europäische Union¤#¤Magiera, Siegfried¤#¤Integration¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤197-208¤#¤19951120¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Öffentliche Meinung und Aussenpolitik : die fehlende Debatte in Deutschland¤#¤Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤8¤#¤3-12¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Ökonomische Interessen und Aussenpolitik¤#¤Walter, Norbert¤#¤Internationale Politik¤#¤1995¤#¤50¤#¤8¤#¤53-58¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Australias strategiske politikk¤#¤Ray, Robert¤#¤NATO nytt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤25-29¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Berlinmurens fall¤#¤Maximytchew, Igor F.¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤4¤#¤549-558¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤CFE-avtalen. en rustningspolitisk dinosaur?¤#¤Johansen, Iver¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤4¤#¤501-524¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Duma-valg i desember, presidentvalg i juni: mangesidig opposisjon mobiliserer mot Jeltsin¤#¤Simonsen, Sven Gunnar¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤4¤#¤483-500¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤En norsk militär doktrine - behöves det?¤#¤Meyer, Jon¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤3¤#¤319-334¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Er nasjonalstatens epoke forbi? et oppklaringsforsök¤#¤Förland, Tor Egil¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤4¤#¤433-441¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Hvilket Europa? : traktatkonferansen i Eu og de store lands interesser¤#¤Säter, Martin¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤4¤#¤441-470¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Kaliningrad-områdets framtid: Kasern, handelsplats eller stridsäpple?¤#¤Oldberg, Ingmar¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤3¤#¤335-356¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Krigen i Tsjetsjenia: historisk bakgrunn og perspektiv¤#¤Heradstveit, Daniel¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤3¤#¤399-419¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Nasjonal suverenitet, lex mercatoria og internasjonal voldgift¤#¤Cordero Moss, Giuditta¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤3¤#¤381-398¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Noen utviklingslinjer i sikkerhetsrådets beslutningsprosess¤#¤Fife, Einar¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤4¤#¤471-482¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤PCC - en ny faktor i utviklingen av forbindelser mellom NATO og partnerlandene¤#¤Lange, Gunnar¤#¤NATO nytt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤30-33¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Radioaktiv fare i nord?¤#¤Riste, Tormod¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤4¤#¤427-432¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Russland og europeisk sikkerhet: en hårfin balanse¤#¤Pravda, Alex¤#¤NATO nytt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤19-24¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Samarbeid rundt Östersjöoen: Danske perspektiver og initiativ¤#¤Häkkerup, Hans¤#¤NATO nytt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤14-18¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Tysklands samling, Maastricht-avtalen og sammenbruddet i EMS¤#¤Sätre, Halvor¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤3¤#¤357-380¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Utvidelse av NATO: den store debatten¤#¤Williams, Geoffrey Lee¤#¤NATO nytt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤9-13¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Utvidelse av NATO?¤#¤Skogan, John Kristen¤#¤Internasjonal politikk¤#¤1995¤#¤53¤#¤4¤#¤525-548¤#¤19951222¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤nor¤#¤Utvidelse. en del av strategien for å prosjektere stabilitet til Öst-Europa¤#¤Hunter, Robert E.¤#¤NATO nytt¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤2¤#¤3-8¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤rus¤#¤[Economic survey:] Report on governmental aid to CIS¤#¤Lebedev, I. L.¤#¤SSHA¤#¤1996¤#¤¤#¤10¤#¤51-58¤#¤19951211¤#¤SD04, SD03.02, RA07.21, RA07.03¤#¤¤ ¤rus¤#¤[Notes and comments:] Elections-96: the last lap¤#¤Pechatnov, V. O.¤#¤SSHA¤#¤1996¤#¤¤#¤10¤#¤45-50¤#¤19951211¤#¤RA07.21, SF04.01¤#¤¤ ¤rus¤#¤[Scanning the press:] New NATO - what ahead?¤#¤Prikhodiko, O. V.¤#¤SSHA¤#¤1996¤#¤¤#¤10¤#¤80-89¤#¤19951211¤#¤RA01.02¤#¤¤ ¤rus¤#¤Afroamericans and American Jews: from similarity of interests to the conflict¤#¤Nitoburg, E. L.¤#¤SSHA¤#¤1996¤#¤¤#¤10¤#¤32-44¤#¤19951211¤#¤SG02.03, RC02¤#¤¤ ¤rus¤#¤Ecologization of international relations¤#¤Pisarev, V. D.¤#¤SSHA¤#¤1996¤#¤¤#¤10¤#¤23-31¤#¤19951211¤#¤SJ02, SB, SK02, SB01¤#¤¤ ¤rus¤#¤Russia and NATO¤#¤Rogov, S. M.¤#¤SSHA¤#¤1996¤#¤¤#¤10¤#¤3-8¤#¤19951211¤#¤SB02, RA01.02, RA07.21¤#¤¤ ¤rus¤#¤Russia's foreign economic strategy and world experience - some lessons¤#¤Portnoy, M. A.¤#¤SSHA¤#¤1996¤#¤¤#¤10¤#¤11-22¤#¤19951211¤#¤RA07.21, SD04¤#¤¤ ¤rus¤#¤START II and nuclear stability. Views of Russian researchers¤#¤¤#¤SSHA¤#¤1996¤#¤¤#¤4¤#¤66-68¤#¤¤#¤SC03 SL¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Aderton missförstånd om svensk säkerhetspolitik¤#¤Wahlbäck, Krister¤#¤Internationella studier¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤37-80¤#¤19951213¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Bortom stråtrövare och madedoner på Balkanhalvön - nya bulgariska iakttagelser I¤#¤Bruun, Christer¤#¤Nya argus¤#¤1995¤#¤88¤#¤7¤#¤149-151¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Dag Hammarskjölds betydelse för vår samtid¤#¤Birnbaum, Karl E.¤#¤Internationella studier¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤81-90¤#¤19951213¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Dansk säkerhetspolitik - att vara eller inter vara med?¤#¤Odlander, Jens¤#¤Internationella studier¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤16-22¤#¤19951213¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Domino-strategin i praktiken: EU-folkomröstningarna i Österrike, Finland, Sverige och Norge¤#¤Jahn, Detlef & Storsved, Ann-Sofie¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤4¤#¤238-252¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤[Abstract:] "Although European integration promotes economic co-operation it also reveals problems concerning national and regional identity. In order to obtain broad legitimacy for Eu membership, the new potential member states Austria, Finland, Sweden and Norway conducted national referendums on wheteher or not they should join the EU. The comparative analysis of the outcome of these referendums and tha national debates on the EU question illuminates tha national differences and similarities of countries in an era after the traditional East-West bloc thinking. These referendums are also an example of an international synchronisation of the political establishments. This synchoronisation is discussed in the light of a 'Domino Strategy' of the referendums. The establishments were trying not only to persuade their own people but also to influence the outcome in each other's countries. However, referendums obey their own rules. The article describes some aspects of the referendum campaigns by stressing the importance of geographical differences, organisational standpoints, public opinion and disxourse which show astonishing similarities but also decisive differences. Finally, the article focuses on the outcome of the first European election in Sweden, which supports the interpretation in terms of the 'Domino Strategy' in a rather impressive manner."¤ ¤swe¤#¤Ett förstärkt nordisk samarbete¤#¤Ljunggren, Anders¤#¤Nordisk tidskrift¤#¤1995¤#¤71¤#¤4¤#¤319-327¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤FN och NATO på Balkan¤#¤Hagman, Hans-Christian¤#¤Internationella studier¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤3-15¤#¤19951213¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Forskning om världssamfundet 1944-1994¤#¤Bonsdorff, Göran von¤#¤Finsk tidskrift¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6/7¤#¤407-412¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤För fred och kristen tro : Skyddskårsrörelsens upplysningverksamhet¤#¤Vasara, Erkki¤#¤Historisk tidskrift för Finland¤#¤1995¤#¤80¤#¤2¤#¤178-202¤#¤19951221¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Ideologier inför det nya årtusendet¤#¤Liedman, Sven-Eric¤#¤Finsk tidskrift¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤9¤#¤505-518¤#¤19951212¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Internationaliseringen som löfte och problem¤#¤Allardt, Erik¤#¤Nya argus¤#¤1995¤#¤88¤#¤7¤#¤152-156¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Miljarstöd från EU till nordiskt gränssamarbete¤#¤Norrbom, Hans¤#¤Nordisk kontakt¤#¤1995¤#¤40¤#¤10¤#¤8-10¤#¤19951115¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Myten om Centraleuropa¤#¤Hellqvist, Kristina¤#¤Internationella studier¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤23-36¤#¤19951213¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤NGOs - diffus roll i FN¤#¤Månsson, Marie¤#¤Internationella studier¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤92-100¤#¤19951213¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Nikita Chrusjtjev 25 år senare¤#¤Kan, Aleksander¤#¤Finsk tidskrift¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤9¤#¤560-569¤#¤19951212¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Norden och Europa¤#¤Sandlund, Tom¤#¤Nya argus¤#¤1995¤#¤88¤#¤7¤#¤147-148¤#¤19951023¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Nordiskt samarbete - som der är skapat och format¤#¤Andersson, Jan A.¤#¤Nordisk tidskrift¤#¤1995¤#¤71¤#¤4¤#¤329-337¤#¤19951030¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Partier i stora länder och i små¤#¤Anckar, Carsten¤#¤Finsk tidskrift¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤8¤#¤474-482¤#¤19951024¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Stat och politik som forskningsobjekt¤#¤Jansson, Jan-Magnus¤#¤Finsk tidskrift¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤6/7¤#¤413-419¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Storlek och partisystem i världens demokratier¤#¤Ancar, Carsten¤#¤Politiikka¤#¤1995¤#¤37¤#¤3¤#¤181-191¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤[Abstract:] "In their seminal work "Size and Democracy" (1973) Robert Dahl and Edward Tufte make the assumption that the size of a unit affects, among other things, the number of parties, as well as the electoral support for the leading party, operating in that unit. Dahl and Tufte place two restrictions on the applicability of their hypotheses: the units must be situated within a single country, and a proportional electoral system must be used. In this article, however, all the democratic countries of the world serve as the unit of analysis. Furthermore, the assumptions are tested on countries using a proportional electoral system as well as on countries using a majoritarian one. The test reveals that once these assumptions are tested on an inter-state level the hypotheses are confirmed explicitly in countries using a majoritarian electoral system, while in countries using a proportional eclectoral system the hypotheses are rejected. Explanations of the findings are introduced and discussed. Inaddition, the impact of socio-economic as well as ethno-religious homogeneity is controlled for. The inclusion of these factors does not, however, alter the result."¤ ¤swe¤#¤Åland i det nya Europa; ett fall av postsuveränt politiskt liv¤#¤Joenniemi, Pertti¤#¤Nordisk kontakt : NKtema¤#¤1995¤#¤40¤#¤1¤#¤4-11¤#¤19951115¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤swe¤#¤Ålandsprotokollet åndras ej av EU:s regeringskonferens¤#¤Berglund, Jan-Erik¤#¤Nordisk kontakt : NKtema¤#¤1995¤#¤40¤#¤1¤#¤12-13¤#¤19951115¤#¤¤#¤¤ ¤ger¤#¤Zweischneidig, aber nutlich: Wirtschaftssanktionen in der internationalen Politik¤#¤Rudolf, Peter¤#¤Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft¤#¤1995¤#¤¤#¤3¤#¤273-289¤#¤¤#¤¤#¤¤